earlier ones which are lost. And what do we find in the oldest records? We find the Selectmen calling the annual town-meeting, in His. Majesty's name, to choose the usual officers for the regulation of town-affairs, &c. The town speaks of itself as a town, taxes itself as a town, petitions the General Court as a town, and makes its laws like other towns; and never is there the slightest hint that Medford is "not a town, but rather a manor." In the early and tedious controversy about the Mystic Bridge, its neighbors treated with it as a town; its inhabitants took the oath of fidelity, and its municipal organization conformed, to the laws of the Colony. The author of the History of Charlestown says of Medford, that "the town, in 1638, commenced a suit, &c." Here Medford is called a town, in 1638, by Mr. F. himself, and is represented by him as acting in its corporate capacity in a legal process before the Quarter Court. If it had been only a "manor," its lord or owner would have been its sovereign; and all its town-action, above described, could never have taken place.

The same inference follows if we turn to the acts of the General Court. From 1630, the Court considered Medford a town, and treated it accordingly; and, when the inhabitants petitioned for an act of incorporation, the Legislature sent them the following reply: that "the town had been incorporated, along with the other towns of the Province, by a general "act," passed in 1630; and, under this act, it had at any time a right to organize itself and choose a representative without further legislation." Here the highest authority of the Colony solemnly and emphatically declares Medford to be a town, a regularly incorporated town, by the same "act" as that for Boston, Charlestown, Watertown, Roxbury, and Dorchester. Thus Medford had been, from 1630, an incorporated town, possessing all the civil, political, and municipal rights consequent on that “act.”

Mr. Frothingham says: "All printed authorities speak of Medford as a town, and date its incorporation in 1630; but this appears to be an error." We are content to follow, in this matter, “all printed authorities," and the decision of the Legisature, and leave the novel supposition of 1846 to stand alone.

Medford was called a peculiar town, but its peculiarity did not consist in being stripped of its political rights and corporate organizations; for, in the very enactment which calls it "peculiar," the General Court say it shall "have power, as

other towns, as to prudentials." If it had rights "as other towns," and was treated by the Legislature "as other towns," in what did its peculiarity consist? This question is easily answered. Its peculiarity consisted in having the major part of its territory owned by one gentleman, and he a resident in London. Mr. Cradock, the strongest and wealthiest friend of the Colony, had this grant of land in partial remuneration for his great outlays for the Company. He was sometimes excused from taxes. Here was another peculiarity, but no withdrawal or relinquishment of vested rights. This fact rendered town-laws more important. It required very strong and peculiar laws to regulate the fishermen, coopers, shipcarpenters, and farmers, whom Mr. Cradock had established here. Such laws could not be enforced except by a proper civil authority; and such authority every thing proves to have existed.

Mr. Cradock's grants were not made till 1634-5; but Medford was taxed, "as other towns," in 1630. Here, therefore, were four or five years in which it acted as an incorporated town before Mr. Cradock came into possession of his grant. During those four or five years, it could not have been a "manor;" but, at that time, it became a town; which character it has possessed to this day unbroken, and which character was stamped upon it, "by a general act" of the government in 1630, and now remains in force.

CAUSES OF PROSPERITY.

After the English Parliament had assembled in 1640, the persecutions of the Puritans were stopped. Deep policy suggested this change of affairs in England; and a consequence was, that emigration to New England ceased, and was not renewed with any spirit till 1773. New England, therefore, was peopled by the descendants of those who emigrated between 1620 and 1640; and this fact we would mention as the first cause of prosperity. God sifted the kingdoms of the Old World that he might find wheat sufficiently good to plant in the virgin soil of the New; and, when planted, he kept it to himself, a chosen seed, till it should spread, and fill the land.

Another cause of prosperity to New England was found in the institution of families. Each family was a unit, a

state, a church; and the father was both patriarch and priest. In these free and Christian families arose that intelligent and stubborn enterprise which could turn a wilderness into a garden, and barbarism into civilization. These families, unfettered and individualized, were happy to unite with all around them for the surer attainment of their common end. One principle sanctified all hearts, one aim employed all hands. Here the motto was true, E pluribus unum ; "distinct like the billows, but one like the sea."

The establishment of free schools was another most powerful cause of prosperity to New England. This original idea had potency enough to work out the highest results of private and social good; the profoundest problems of life, government, and religion. It began in the right way, at the right place; it put the lever where it could move the world. Free churches became the continuation of free schools; taking up the process of instruction just where the schools had left it. Religion gave to learning its proper polarity. What would New England have been without its churches?-a plantation without a sun.

Another cause of prosperity was the independence of towns. Each municipality felt itself to be sovereign in the ordering of its own affairs, while it was a recognized part of the body politic. A town, like an individual, must have the habit of self-government. It cannot be ruled by the militia, but only by the combined wisdom of the whole population. While a general government is almost wholly employed in averting evil, a town possesses the power of doing positive good. When our New-England towns levied taxes, opened roads, gathered a militia, founded schools, and supported churches, they did thereby manage the great interests of the colony, and in one sense became national legislatures.

Another cause of prosperity was the absence of the taxes, tolls, fees, restrictions, and monopolies of Old England. Here a man could do what he pleased in lawful work and trade, and could do as much as he wished. Here he could work at two or ten trades, if he was able. This was NewEngland free trade.

Another cause of prosperity, consequent in some measure on the two last noticed, was the small number of laws made by the General Court. Society here had not reached that complicated state in which powerful political parties, fierce sectional jealousies, and conflicting moneyed aristocracies, so

often make legislation interminable, contradictory, and deceptive. The diamond-cut-diamond system, now in such terrible activity among us, was not known to our fathers. Their laws were only the republication of those few general principles of justice and humanity which are easily gathered from the sacred pages. Such legislation, while the most simple, was the most effective and the least changeable.

Another cause of prosperity was the poverty of the soil, and the severity of the winter. Agriculture was the chief business and main support of society; and to make the earth produce in six months sufficient food for twelve required an ingenuity of mind, a force of will, and a strength of muscle, which is synonymous with intellectual and moral greatness. If we would produce athletic frames, creative minds, and brave hearts, let the soil be light and thin. Our primitive granite soil produces the true granite men; and one of them here in Medford can do as much as three Cubans under the line. The stern necessities, which grew out of the soil and climate of New England, became schoolmasters, teaching our fathers the highest lessons of intelligence, watchfulness, perseverence, and economy.

"Man is the noblest growth our realms supply,
And souls are ripened in our northern sky."

If we wish to see a race that need not think, cannot plan, and will not work, we have only to find those who have every thing done for them. We therefore conclude that what has been called the "hard lot" of the New Englander has been the making of him.

The causes of prosperity, so briefly noticed above, are introduced that we may here say, that each one of them has been brought to bear, in its true relation and natural force, upon the town of Medford, which is at this moment enjoying the distinguished benefits. With Medford before us, we conclude by saying, that these elements of growth have produced, throughout New England, a remarkable activity of mind and body, a general diffusion of knowledge, an indomitable perseverance of will, social and civil order, self-forgetful patriotism, domestic love, and religious enthusiasm. These effects have, in their turn, become causes; and the glorious results are extensive wealth, great moral influence, elevated Christian character, and solid happiness.

"Surely the lines have fallen to us in pleasant places, and God hath given to us a goodly heritage.'

دو