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sentient and passive. Tlie proposition that it was tor him, has a different meaning wilh them from what it lias with us, because they see him not as an agent. And if they could see him as an agent, so as to attach the same meaning to the proposition that we do, they would not deny it. So far the dispute is verbal. Hut the mistake lies deeper than words, and consists in overlooking the natural ability of man. This is the bottom of the difficulty. Though therefore there is much logomachy in the contest, yet if we are right our brethren labor under a real mistake. On a subject where they ought to speak of men exclusively as moral agents, they constantly reason about them as though they were passive tablets, no more capable of believing than the tlods of the valley. And when they refer to the purpose of God in this provision, they constantly speak of him only as intending or not intending to make impressions on passive recipients. This is plainly turning the Moral Governor out of a transaction which was exclusively his own, and transferring the whole business to the Sovereign Efficient Cause. This has been the grand mistake of Calvinists of the type of a part of the Synod of Dort. They have reasoned right against the Amiinians about election and regeneration, but on several points have plainly lost sight of moral agents and a moral government. On the other hand, the Arniinians have had many correct ideas of a moral government, but have been as blind as Bartimeus to all the secrets of the other department. And thus these two parties have gone on contending from age to age, and alter all both have been right — and both wrong." (pp.322 — 324.)

"We admit that the Sovereign Efficient Cause absolutely decreed the characters of men, so far as whether he would make them holy or leave them to themselves. But we think that all these difficulties which have perplexed the church in consequence of viewing God in a single character, may easily be solved by contemplating him in two. While we do not say of the Sovereign Efficient Cause that he suspended any thing on the conduct of men, or had the least reference to that conduct in one of his decisions (because his decrees and acts terminate upon men as purely passive) ; we scruple not to attribute to the Moral Governor all the aims which the measures of his government are calculated to accomplish. We readily yield to the Sovereign Efficient Cause everything that the highest Calvinist ever did, and none the less ascribe to the Moral Governor everything, as relates to the present subject, that an Arminian ever did. In particular we find no difficulty in saung of the Ruler of agents, that he icilh the salvation of all to whom the Gospel is sent. And we understand Peter and Paul as speaking of God in the same character, and meaning the same thing, when they say of him that he ' will have all men to be saved and to come unto the knowledge of the truth 'not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance.' We dare not therefore say of him who provided the atonement (for that was the Moral Governor alone,) that he had no intention to benefit the non-elect, nor do we generally speak of him as even knowing such a class of men." (pp. 2S5, 28G.)

It requires but little of that genius which accompanies the "odium theologicum" to misrepresent the author of the preceding citations, as adopting a semi-Arminian and semiCalvinistic creed. On some points he did agree with the Arminians where other Calvinists do not; and on some more noticeable points other Calvinists agreed with ihe Arminians where he did not. On the whole, he was further from Arminianism than were his Calvinistic opposers. He was, as he professed to be, a strong but a self-consistent believer in the substance of the Assembly's Catechism. His doctrine of moral agency has been often admitted in fact, even when it has been denied in form, by the most one-sided devotees of that Formula. It is this doctrine, however, which was regarded by President Griffin as the point of his divergence from the technically avowed belief of the old Calvinists. "I am inclined to think," he says, that the habit of regarding men as "moral agents" rather than "passive receivers" "is the original angle of separation, and that the dispute about the nature of the atonement is rather consequential" (p. 178). "In all the views which our brethren take of the non-elect in relation to this question, they overlook their existence as moral agents, and affirm the same things of them as might be affirmed if they were passive blocks under the hands of the engraver. This is the principal source of the whole mistake " (pp. 313—320). He regarded their false views of moral agency as leading many Calvinists, step by step, into a labyrinth of such errors as the following: that "the atonement was a legal transaction," p. 130 et al.); that our sins were imputed to Christ legally and literally, were " considered" his; whereas God considers every thing as it really is, and when he imputes one man's sin to others, he merely treats them as if they had sinned, and pursues this course practically, " so far as is necessary to answer the purpose" of moral government (pp. 150 —154,164 et al.); that Christ was our legal Surety, Sponsor and Representative (p. 1G8 et al.); that there was a legal identity between him and us (pp. 149, 170 et al.) ; that God is legally obliged to save the elect (pp. 61, 160, 164); that the atonement has "the attributes of a commercial transaction" (p. 134 et al.); that the law punishes " sin with sin" (p. 16); that sin may be something passive (p. 84 et al.).

It is to save men from these, and from similar errors already noticed, that Dr. Griffin insists, with rare eloquence, on the doctrine of "natural ability commensurate with duty," and on the importance of that style of writing and preaching which is superinduced by the influence of this doctrine (see especially Part II., chapters 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 20, 21 of the present Treatise). According to him the two opposing parties of Calvinists may, and should, be reconciled with each other; but in the concessions needful for their union the Edwardeans, who have chosen the accurate and the fitting language, should not disown the truth and the utility of their propositions; but the advocates of the Old Calvinism, who have borrowed an inaccurate and a perilous phraseology, should abandon the error and the harmfulness of their set and stereotyped forms of speech (pp. 313 — 326). Their language often produces a ruinous impression on the soul (pp. 320 — 326 et al.). They fail to « distinguish between the literal and figurative meaning of texts," and they frequently reason from poetry as if it were prose (pp. 9, 10,12, 104, 113, 154, 158,165, 166, 168,187, 210 et al.). Their imaginative style they often qualify, and when they explain their poetical images by prosaic terms, they come into a substantial agreement with the views of Dr. Grillin. They contend against his principles, while they are compelled tacitly to admit them (p. 322; see also pp. 178, 180, 181, 369—390). If they would avow in form that God never requires moral agents to work impossibilities, they would be willing to avow that the atonement was made for men as moral agents. Then they would logically admit that it was made for the entire race. Then, coinciding with him in regard to the objects of the atonement, they would coincide with him in regard to its nature, for its designed results unfold its essence. Then would exist a real harmony of views, and this would induce a harmony of style, between the two schools who now "grate harsh discord." ARTICLE VIII.



Among the countless publications of our day, few possess enough of real and permanent value to give promise of ever becoming standard works. That is a rare book which reveals any great truth, or even presents a thorough and impartial discussion of any important subject. Accordingly, the appearance of a truly great work, in any leading department of letters or science, is a subject for general congratulation. Scholars throughout the world hail it alike as an invaluable contribution to the treasury of knowledge, and as a vast accession to their facilities for future research.

Boeckh's Staatshavshaltung tier Athener is a noble specimen of this class of works. Conceived and executed in the very best style of German scholarship, it marks an era in the study of classical antiquity. Its accomplished author brings to his arduous task a mind gifted with the choicest natural endowments, trained to the highest culture, and stored with the richest treasures of learning. lie has, moreover, no favorite theory to establish; he is not the paid advocate, striving with special pleadings to save a desperate cause; but the impartial judge, calmly weighing the claims of truth and justice. Steadily he pursues his investigations. Does he discover heroic patriotism or noble magnanimity, the just meed of praise springs spontaneously from his generous heart; does he lay bare the dark immorality of a cor- . rupt. and depraved populace? his moral nature rising before us in all its truthfulness pronounces the stern sentence of unqulified condemnation.

1 Die Srnnf«linn«haWun<; dcr Athcncr, von August Bockh. Zwcite Ausgnbe. BcrliB: Bei G. Reimer. 1851.

The Public Economy of the Athenians, with Notes and a copious Index, by Augustus Bocckh. Translated from the second German edition, by Anthony Lamb. Boston: Little, Brown and Co. London: Sampson Low, Son and Co. 1857.

This work, as every scholar knows, is the most thorough and complete investigation of the public economy of the ancient Athenians ever attempted. Free from vague generalities, it gives us not empty declamation, but substantial fact; not mere assertion, but reliable proof. It has long been the standard authority on all subjects discussed in its pages; and yet we must not expect to find its pictures of Athenian life complete and full; in many instances indeed, we have only the rude outline, and neither the classic page nor the ancient inscription furnishes us a single hint, by which we may complete the picture. The artist has wisely left his work at the very point where the light of history failed him; he knew but too well that, though the imagination might conceive a beautiful painting, it could not produce a truthful portrait.

The work, though published in 1817, underwent no important revision until 1851, when the present enlarged and improved edition made its appearance. A full generation had already passed away since the work was first offered to the world, — a generation more distinguished for profound archaeological research than any which had preceded it. The ancient inscriptions had been subjected to the most searching scrutiny, and the information thus elicited on many abstruse and puzzling questions of antiquity, had modified not a few of the received opinions of scholars. But no one better understood these results, or had indeed done more to reach them than the learned author of the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. At his bidding, defaced and mutilated slabs reclaimed from the accumulated rubbish of centuries, had brought forth their precious records, and disclosed the secrets which had so long been buried with them. Accordingly, when Boeckh put his hand a second time to his great work on the Athenian finances, the world of scholars turned to him in expectation of great results. They well knew that all the dross would be purged out by this second refining, and that much pure metal, brought up by the labors of a generation from the exhaustless mines of ancient lore, would be added to its rich stores. These expectations were

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