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Prokesch von Osten, whose observations on topography are useful, though his historical sketch is brief, and disfigured by some great inaccuracies; he quotes for example, under the name of Curtius, the supplements of Freinsheim. Arundell's work, Discoveries in Asia Minor, seems to have been overlooked. This book might have been used with advantage, as the second volume contains a history. A better book is the little work in Romaic, by Oeconomus, published at Malta, in 1831, which Arundell copies. The historical materials are here collected with care, though the criticism is not what it should be. How much confidence can be placed in a work which declares on the first page that Herodotus wrote the life of Homer?

The admirable commercial situation of Smyrna seems to have been appreciated in the earliest times. Philostratus 1 says she was mistress of the gates of land and sea; on the seaside the gulf, says Aristides, 2 the rhetor, in a rhetorizing strain, bears the name of one gulf, but winds into many gulfs, with thousands of harbors and stations for ships. Landward a road ran to the centre of the Lydian realm, and its capital, Sardis. Traditions and monuments alike indicate that this road was travelled from the remotest antiquity, perhaps even long before the foundation of Sardis. Herodotus3 saw there two stone figures of the Egyptian conqueror, Sesostris or Ramses, which still remain as witnesses of the great historian's fidelity. This seems to indicate pretty clearly that considerably before the occupation of the coast by the Aeolic and Ionian colonies, Smyrna was a point of connection between the interior and the sea. Tradition furthermore reports 4 that the Lydians, who left their country during the famine under king Atys, embarked at Smyrna, probably coming down to the sea-shore from the interior of Lydia by the same road.

This great Lydian highway, travelled by Herodotus, is undoubtedly the one of which the poet Hipponax, more than a century before Herodotus, gives a sort of Itinerarium in a passagel that is somewhat corrupt, but clear enough to show it was marked by august sepulchral monuments like the great Roman roads. “ Go,” he says of the journey to Smyrna," “ through the Lydians, past the tomb of Attales, and the monument of Gyges, and the gravestone of Megastrys, (!) and the sepulchre of Atys and king Myrsilus, turning thy belly to the setting sun.” A recent philologista has endeavored to prove that, since Hipponax was an Ephesian, and a suburb of Ephesus bore the name of Smyrna, the Ephesian Smyrna must be the one he refers to. But this assumption may be refuted by reasons that must commend themselves to every sensible man. In the first place, perspicuity would require the poet to add some qualification to the name, if he meant the Ephesian suburb; otherwise his readers would naturally understand the city of Smyrna, and not the suburb of Ephesus. In another place 3 where the suburb is mentioned, he defines it geographically. Secondly, he speaks of the road to Smyrna, through the Lydians," and in a westerly direction. The starting point to be sure is not given. But the most natural starting point is the great city of Sardis, and the first mentioned tomb, that of Attales, shows that this city is probably meant. Attales, as we learn from Nicolaus Damascenus,t was the son of Sadyattes, king of Lydia, and his monument would naturally be

i Vitt. Soph. 1, 21, 5. $ 2, 106.

* Suvp. llom. I. p. 381. 4 Her. 1, 94,

traveller would go directly westward, while from Sardis to Ephesus he would go considerably to the south. Thirdly, there is no important point or town to the east of Ephesus, and a course westward to Ephesus would not be through the Lydians (dià Audôv), but past (Trapú) the outskirts of Lydia, or indeed mostly through Caria. Fourthly, Hipponax evidently enumerates the monuments in their order from

1 Fr. 47 Schneidewin; 15 Bergk.
• In Schneidewin's Philologus, 1851, p. 70.

8 Fr. 26. 4 Fr. 47, quoted by Bergk.; hence the cmendation of Schneidewin, 'AAUÉTTEW for 'ATTEw, which refers it to the famous monument of Alyattes at Sardis mentioned by Herodotus, and still in existence, is unuecessary.

east to west, ending with the monument of Atys, which seems to be near the Smyrna he refers to. We have seen from Herodotus that Smyrna is concerned in the traditions of Atys's reign; and the hill, which even as late as the times of Aristides,' bore the name of “ Atys's Hill," was probably the seat of the ancient monument of this king, or of a monument that passed for his.

From these and other scanty memorials of a remote age, we learn one thing, that there was a Smyrna before Smyrna. That is, that before the establishment of the Greek colony, there was a settlement of some maritime importance near the Meles. The stretch of shore which was afterwards dotted with Greek towns was held, according to Pherecydes, by two tribes at the time of the Greek settlement, the Carians and Leleges, the Carians occupying Miletus, Myus, and the tracts about Mycale and Ephesus, the Leleges the rest of the shore as far as Phocaea (including the islands of Chios and Samos), and consequently the seat of the subsequent Smyrna.3 The great similarity of these two tribes is sufficiently shown by the frequent confu. sion of their names; and their affinity with the Mysians and the great Lydian stock is indicated by the mythical brotherhood of Lydus, Mysus, and Car. The oldest local and particular legends of Smyrna cluster round the mythical names of Tantalus and his son Pelops. Pelops 5 reigned near Mt. Sipylus before his departure for Pelops's Island ; Tantalus is named as the founder of the town. Doubtless in these myths lies a germ of historic truth. The Lelegian or Lydian town, which, according to report, was swallowed by a lake, may as well be called Tantalus's Town, as by

I 'Iep. Máy. I. p. 499. It is but fair to say that the reading "Arvos for the senseless Qtos of the codd. is due to Schneidewin; it is so well confirmed by the evidence of Aristides, though the emendation was made independently of Aristides, that it may be considered established.

? Ap. Strab. 14, p. 632. 3 Strab. 14, p. 644. 4 Her. 1, 171.

6 Aristid. Tipooo. Euúpv. I. p. 440; id. Mov. &72 Euúpv. p. 425; Paus. 2, 22, 4 : 5, 13, 4.

6 Aristid. Mov. &al Ed. I. p. 427. Stephan. Byz. gives as the name of Tantalus's town, which was afterwards supplanted by the Amazonian settlement, Naú

any other name. But it is clear that this Tantalean settlement was not on the Smyrnaean gulf, but further inward, near Mt. Sipylus. Hence the connection between the older Lelegian town, near the Sipylus, and the thriving Hellenic colony, by the sea, was not very direct. Tantalus's town may be regarded as the head-quarters or nucleus of the Leleges, who were dispossessed of their lands by the Greeks. The Greek writers connect the two settlements, or regard the Greek colony as the continuation of the Lydian, in order to claim for their city a more august antiquity. Aristides? names Pelops and Tantalus in one place as the founders; in another, Theseus, simply because in one place he has the Lydian town in mind, in another the Greek.

The name of Theseus brings us a step nearer to authentic history, and to the Greek accounts of Smyrna. We must premise that, as Smyrna was held at different times by two races, the Aeolic and Ionic, two theories were held with respect to its foundation: first, the AEOlic theory, supported by Ephorus and Herodotus; secondly, the IONIAN theory, supported by Strabo. The Aeolic theory traces the origin of the city to Cyme, the Ionian to Ephesus, and through Ephesus to Athens. In both of these versions the name of Theseus occurs, and much of the confusion in the early history of Smyrna is due to his name. According to the Ionic theory, Theseus is the famous hero of Attica; according to the Aeolic, and as we believe the true theory, Theseus comes from Cyme, and is a descendant of the royal house of Pherae, in Thessaly. The personal existence of this Theseus may, perhaps, be doubted, since the whole narrative in which he plays a part is of a mythical character. But we can hardly doubt, on weighing the evidence, that Smyrna was a secondary colony, founded not directly

Noxov. Mr. S. makes no mention of this. Evidently Steph. is in error; is it in reality the name of the suburb of the later city along the gulf, which, as we glean from Philostratus and Aristides, was a sort of city by itself?

So the embassy in Tac. A. 4, 56 At Zmyrnaci, repetita vetustate, seu Tanta. lus, etc.

? Ilposo. Ed. I. p. 440, and famiv, dard Ed. I. p. 436.

from Greece, but from some Aeolian colony in Asia Minor; and that this colony was, in all probability, Cyme; and the same evidence leads us to reject confidently the IonianEphesian theory of Strabo, and of modern critics, who have followed Strabo, as K. O. Müller and Oeconomus, since all the seeming indications of an Ionian origin may easily be accounted for without recourse to this assumption.

We find, to be sure, many other versions of the story besides that of Ephorus, some of them mythical, some seemingly historical. According to one of the most current local legends, the founder of the town, like the founder of Ephesus, Myrina, and Cyme itself, was an Amazon, who called the town after her own name. The name of the Amazons naturally brings up the name of Theseus, with all the stories of his battles and loves; and hence the Cymaean Theseus was confounded, as we have seen, with the Attic Theseus, and the Attic Theseus is married to the Amazon Smyrna. Strabo's error may be due in part to these confused accounts of Theseus; and the Atlica theory of the direct origin of the city from Athens, is only a particularized version of the Ionic theory, with which the name of Theseus had much to do. The assumption once made, that this Theseus was the Attic Theseus, the Athenians had a strong motive for insisting that Smyrna was an Attic colony. For, of all the seven towns that claimed Homer as their citizen, the Smyr. naeans were adjudged to have the best claim, and to assert the claim of Athens as the metropolis of Smyrna was to assert some share in the heritage of the Homeric songs. With what interest the Athenians seized on every pretext to identify themselves with the great strife between Troy and the forces of Greece is well known from Pisistratus's interpolation in the Catalogue of Ships; and the theory of a direct colonization from Attica is due to the same period, and is, indeed, closely connected with the name of Pisistratus. On the pedestal of a statue erected to this tyrant, stood the

i Plin. N. H. 5, 31 ; Strab. 12, p. 550, and of Ephesus 14, p. 633. 2 Cf. Aristid. En. Mon. I. p. 372; Mposo. Ed. I. p. 440.

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