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Here ends the history of the genuine Smyrna. The Lydians razed the walls;1 the proverbial insolence and wealth of Smyrna, had, like those of Colophon, been her destruction. Theognis says (1102):
Kai %fi.vpvif¥'. 2
and for several hundred years we hear no more mention of the town. At Strabo's time hardly a vestige of the old Smyrna was remaining. The inhabitants were in part scattered in little hamlets around, in part distributed among the other Ionian towns; many of them went to Colophon, where they were admitted to citizenship. Hence two votes were allowed the Colophonians in the Panionion in case of a tie; and " putting on the colophon" (rbv Ko\o<f>(ova errm^emi) is interpreted by some of the ancients as referring to the vote allowed for Smyrna.3
"With his usual carelessness about Smyrna, Strabo declares that the town lay in ruins for four hundred years. This would make four hundred years between Alyattes and Antigonus. Now, as the reign of Alyattes certainly does not begin before Ol. 39, 1=620 B. C.,4 and as Antigonus died 301 B. C, after the battle at Ipsus, we can hardly make out 400 years, taking the extreme limit on each side. Strabo adds, to be sure, Trepi; and yet we are inclined to think there is in the text an error of rerpaicoaui for rpiaK6<tul.
The precise year of the destruction of Smyrna is nowhere given. Mr. Schmitz says vaguely that "Alyattes B. C. 627, destroyed the town." Mullers concludes it must have been
1 Strab. 14, p. 646. Raonl-Rochette (Hist, de Col. III. p. 101) questions this, but he confounds Alyattes with Gyges.
* On the S/3pu of the Colophonians Diogen. 5, 79: KoXo^iw lavfipts • M run •itXovalav Kox vfjpHrT&ii. The S$pis nai iytpwxla of the later Smyrnacans is spoken of by Philostr. Vitt. Soph. 1, 25, 2.
3 Sehol. Plat. Thcaet. p. 897 Orelli; Apost. 16, 92 Lcutsch, Paroem. Gr. II. p. 684.
* So Westcrmann. Others put it later, as Zumpt, Annales, Ol. 42, 2, = 611 B. C.
6 Greek Lit. p. 115.
in the first part of the long reign of Alyattes. This he infers, first, from the order of the events in Herodotus's narration, Herodotus mentioning the conquest immediately after the battle with Cyaxares, who died 594; and secondly, from Strabo's 400 years, above referred to. How much reliance is to be placed on the 400 years, we have just seen; and with respect to the first argument of Miiller it must be observed, that he, as well as other historians, has overlooked two very important passages in this connection, which will incline us to put the date considerably later than it has hitherto been put. Pausanias1 relates that Bupalos of Chios, made statues of Fortune and the Graces for the Smyrnaeans. Bupalos was a contemporary of Hipponax, as is well known from the anecdotes of the relations between the two; Hipponax flourished Ol. 60, =540 B. C. Bupalos further was engaged in his art in 520 B. C, that is, 74 years after the death of Cyaxares. To suppose, therefore, that he made these statues before Cyaxares's death is an absurdity; still more absurd is it in Mr. Schmitz to put 627 as the probable era of the destruction of the town. Nor is it at all likely that he made the statues for the remnants of the Smyrnaeans, who dwelt in the hamlets around, after the town was destroyed. Assuming, then, that Bupalos practised his art as late as the eightieth year of his life, and that he made the statues referred to in his extreme youth, say when twenty years old, it only carries us back to the year 580, or 14 years after Miiller, and 47 years after Mr. Schmitz.
The same era may be deduced from the fragment of Hipponax quoted at the beginning. It is clear from the context that Smyrna was still standing when Hipponax wrote. The period of Hipponax is, to be sure, variously given ; but the most authentic accounts set him not Ol. 23, but as we have seen, Ol. 60=540 B. C. Pliny says (36, 4, 2) certum
1 A, 30, 4 and 9, 35, 2; in Schneidewin's Phil. 1851, p. 70, nn attempt is made by Ten Brink to refer these to Ephesus. An obvious absurdity to suppose that Pausanias would call the Ephesiuns Smyrnaeans; and secondly, the Nemeses were not worshipped at Ephesus but were at Smyrna.
est LX 01. fuisse; Proclus says (Chrest. 7) he flourished (rjKfiat,ev) in the times of Dareius, i. e., after 521. If, now, the period of Hipponax's culmination falls in the reign of Dareius after 521 B. C., as Proclus says, he could hardly have written the lines about Smyrna at the time of Cyaxares's death, in 594, or 73 years before the accession of Dareius. From 580 to 521 we have an interval of 59 years, and this is hardly within the range of possibilities. It is just barely possible that Hipponax may have written of the still standing Smyrna in 580, and have lived on to distinguish himself still further after the year 521.1
The conclusion, then, to which we are forced is, that the year 580 is the earliest possible date we can assume for the destruction of Smyrna; and that all the probabilities are in favor of a later date, somewhere between 580 and 560, when Alyattes died. Hence, the error of Strabo, or of Strabo's text, is the more apparent.1
In the general destruction of the town the temples seem to have been spared. "Bear this in mind," says Hercules to Philoctetes in Sophocles, "when you waste the land, to respect the possessions of the gods." Examples enough from Greek history show this was a common thing; for instance, when the Argives razed the city of Asine they left standing the temple of Apollo; when Thebes was levelled, in Sulla's time, the temples were left, and remained till the age of Pausanias. The inhabitants of the city, therefore, who remained in the hamlets round, as well as their descendants, had at least one bond of union besides the community of ancient associations; they were united by common deities, common religious observances, common temples. To gather them together again after a lapse of centuries was no difficult task.
We come now to the third great epoch in the history of Smyrna, the Alexandrian town. "Two great and fair cities," says Aristides,2 " Alexander the Great left as his
1 Grotc's assumption (Hist, of Gr. III. p. 252) that Smyrna must have existed in Pindar's time on account of fragment 115 (not 155, as he quotes it), is totally unwarranted. Pindar must have been speaking of some past event.
2 Xlpovp. I. p. 440.
monuments, Smyrna and Alexandria." Whether the new Smyrna was founded by Alexander in person, or by his successors, has been a disputed question in ancient and modern times. The fullest account is given by Pausanias ;1 when Alexander was once on a hunting expedition on Mt. Pagos, and came to the temple of the Nerneses, these deities appeared to him in a dream, and bade him found a city on the spot where he lay, and establish the Smyrnaeans there. The Smyrnaeans thereupon sent to consult the Clarian Apollo, and meeting with a favorable response, they gladly moved into their new abode beyond the Meles.2
The same story is given by Aristides8 in other places, who also mentions the dream of Alexander, and by Pliny;4 and on the coins of Smyrna it is represented not infrequently.6
On the other hand Strabo (14, p. 64G) is of opinion that the new city was not founded till the times of Antigonus and Lysimachus. But both Pausanias and Strabo agree in asserting that the new city was at a considerable distance from the old, according to Strabo's estimate, twenty stadia.6
These discrepant statements may be reconciled by the supposition that Alexander's plan was carried out by Antigonus, and after him by Lysimachus.7 But so far as the scanty evidence will allow us to judge, the relations between the Smyrnaeans and Lysimachus were not of the most cordial nature; when he was trying to subjugate the cities of Asia Minor the Smyrnaeans assisted the Colophonians, and the grave of slaughtered Colophonians and Smyrnaeans existed till Pausanias's day on the road to Claros.
1 ". 5,1
2 Tpi\uar;uf.f \ KtiVOl Kal T€Tpt£fCif Ul'O^CS ttTOtrTCU
Ot flayop oiia)aovoi nif/r\v Upoto MeATrroi. a no*. M p. 436 and p. 431. 4 N. H. 5, 31.
* Mionnct III. n. 1277, 1296, 1410; Supplem. VI. 1707; Eckhel. I. 2, p. 548. 0 This point of topography is discussed by l'rokcsch, Wiener Jahrbb. LXVIII.
Anzdscblatt p. 55, and Welcker, Ep. Cycl. I. p. 147.
• Cf. Palmerii Exercitt. p. 346; Hegewisch, Gr. Kolon. p. 21. The passage of Strabo, 13, p. 594, on the city of Ilion, which seems to have had nearly the same fate with Smyrna, is instructive. If the date of the comic poet Diphilus's death were known, it might help to settle this question, since he died at Smyrna; This makes the story of Lysimachus's participation a little improbable, though not impossible; a parallel may be found in the history of Ephesus, which Lysimachus took, and afterwards adorned with many new buildings. Still the idea of re-building Smyrna looks like Alexander, and accords well with his Homeric tastes; and there is nothing in Pausanias's account to lead us necessarily to reject it.1 The account of the dream, and indeed of his sleeping at all on Mt. Pagos, while on his way from Sardis to Ephesus, may be merely the embellishments of a later and wonder-seeking age, while the real fact at the bottom may be true. If the picture of the Grace,* which Apelles painted for the Smyrnaeans, was the work of the great Apelles, Alexander's contemporary, which there is no reason for doubting, it is certainly a strong argument in favor of Alexander. While we cannot hope, therefore, to decide the question beyond a doubt, the joint evidence of Pausanias, Pliny, and Aristides is not to be rashly set aside.
The plan and adornment of the new town were not unworthy of a kingly hand; Strabo says with enthusiasm "Smyrna is the fairest of all cities."8 A part of the town was built on the side of the mountain; the greater part, however, was on the plain near the gulf. The streets were laid out in rectangles, and paved; the market-place was laid out in like manner with rectangular lanes, covered with arches, and with a row of shops on each side, after the fashion of a modern Oriental bazaar.4 Many large and splendid public buildings decorated the streets, such as porticos, the gymnasium, the library, and the Homereum, a hall contain