1

monuments, Smyrna and Alexandria." Whether the new Smyrna was founded by Alexander in person, or by his successors, has been a disputed question in ancient and modern times. The fullest account is given by Pausanias; when Alexander was once on a hunting expedition on Mt. Pagos, and came to the temple of the Nemeses, these deities appeared to him in a dream, and bade him found a city on the spot where he lay, and establish the Smyrnaeans there. The Smyrnaeans thereupon sent to consult the Clarian. Apollo, and meeting with a favorable response, they gladly moved into their new abode beyond the Meles.2

The same story is given by Aristides in other places, who also mentions the dream of Alexander, and by Pliny; and on the coins of Smyrna it is represented not infrequently."

On the other hand Strabo (14, p. 646) is of opinion that the new city was not founded till the times of Antigonus and Lysimachus. But both Pausanias and Strabo agree in asserting that the new city was at a considerable distance from the old, according to Strabo's estimate, twenty stadia.

These discrepant statements may be reconciled by the supposition that Alexander's plan was carried out by Antigonus, and after him by Lysimachus. But so far as the scanty evidence will allow us to judge, the relations between the Smyrnaeans and Lysimachus were not of the most cordial nature; when he was trying to subjugate the cities of Asia Minor the Smyrnaeans assisted the Colophonians, and the grave of slaughtered Colophonians and Smyrnaeans existed till Pausanias's day on the road to Claros.

1

7,

, 5, 1.

2 Τριςμάκαρες κεῖνοι καὶ τετράκις ἄνδρες ἔσονται
Οἱ Πάγον οἰκήσουσι πέρην ἱεροῖο Μέλητος.

4 N. H. 5, 31.

* Πολ. ἐπὶ Σμ. p. 436 and p. 431. 5 Mionnet III. n. 1277, 1296, 1410; Supplém. VI. 1707; Eckhel. I. 2, p. 548. This point of topography is discussed by Prokesch, Wiener Jahrbb. LXVIII. Anzeigeblatt p. 55, and Welcker, Ep. Cycl. I. p. 147.

7 Cf. Palmerii Exercitt. p. 346; Hegewisch, Gr. Kolon. p. 21. The passage of Strabo, 13, p. 594, on the city of Ilion, which seems to have had nearly the same fate with Smyrna, is instructive. If the date of the comic poet Diphilus's death were known, it might help to settle this question, since he died at Smyrna;

This makes the story of Lysimachus's participation a little improbable, though not impossible; a parallel may be found in the history of Ephesus, which Lysimachus took, and afterwards adorned with many new buildings. Still the idea of re-building Smyrna looks like Alexander, and accords well with his Homeric tastes; and there is nothing in Pausanias's account to lead us necessarily to reject it.' The account of the dream, and indeed of his sleeping at all on Mt. Pagos, while on his way from Sardis to Ephesus, may be merely the embellishments of a later and wonder-seeking age, while the real fact at the bottom may be true. If the picture of the Grace," which Apelles painted for the Smyrnaeans, was the work of the great Apelles, Alexander's contemporary, which there is no reason for doubting, it is certainly a strong argument in favor of Alexander. While we cannot hope, therefore, to decide the question beyond a doubt, the joint evidence of Pausanias, Pliny, and Aristides is not to be rashly set aside.

The plan and adornment of the new town were not unworthy of a kingly hand; Strabo says with enthusiasm "Smyrna is the fairest of all cities." A part of the town was built on the side of the mountain; the greater part, however, was on the plain near the gulf. The streets were laid out in rectangles, and paved; the market-place was laid out in like manner with rectangular lanes, covered with arches, and with a row of shops on each side, after the fashion of a modern Oriental bazaar.4 Many large and splendid public buildings decorated the streets, such as porticos, the gymnasium, the library, and the Homereum, a hall contain

Scholl. in Aristoph. Proll. III. 85 Dübner. And if it were certain that Antiphanes, the poet of the Middle Comedy, lived at Smyrna (Meinecke I, p. 304), it would be still more decisive.

The objections of Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 121, are truly French.

2 Paus. 9, 35, 2.

8 14, p. 646, καὶ νῦν ἐστι καλλίστη πασῶν. Reiske overlooks this passage in doubting the text of Aristid. Μον. ἐπὶ Σμ. Ι. p. 425 : καὶ λογίων περιηγήσεις ἀναγραφόντων καλλίστην τῶν ἁπασῶν. Aristides obviously refers to this passage of Strabo.

4 Aristid. Zμ. Пgλ. I. p. 376.

ing a shrine and image of Homer. The harbor could be closed at will. One great defect, however, in the plan of the city is censured by Strabo, the want of subterranean sewers, which made the streets all but impassable in wet weather.

The change in the external aspect of the city was small compared with the change in the character of the inhabitants and their relations to other cities and states. Since the reign of Alyattes whole dynasties had been subverted. Croesus had made the Greeks on the shore of Asia tributaries, and been himself overthrown by the Persians. The Persians in turn had yielded to the new power of Macedonia. The Ionic league still existed, but only in name, not in real significance. Hence, though the Smyrnaeans enjoyed a nominal and sickly autonomy, since the wealth and importance of the city made it a tempting bait for aggression, their only resource lay in the alliances formed with other cities. And, though frequent mention is made of the city in the subsequent history of Asia Minor, it offers little that is interesting, and appears only as a fragment of the changing and crumbling dynasties that followed upon Alexander the Great.

From the silence of the historians it would appear that the growth of the new town was very gradual. For a considerable time the name of the place is hardly mentioned. But Smyrna must have shared the freedom which all Ionia received at the hands of Alexander, and when Ionia was annexed to the satrapy of Lydia, it must have passed through the hands of Menander and Clitus, until it finally fell with the rest of the Ionian states, under the rule of Antigonus. All this, however, is conjectural, and the only special mention of the town is the passage of Pausanias above quoted.

Down to the time of Antiochus Theos another gap occurs. Antiochus restored to the other cities of Ionia their liberty,' and appears to have done many good turns to the Smyrnaeans, in requital for which they displayed signal

1 Joseph. Antt. 12, 3, 2.

loyalty to him, and dedicated a shrine to him and his mother Stratonica.1

Smyrna is next mentioned in connection with Seleucus Callinicus, and his war with Ptolemy Euergetes, of Egypt. The participation of the Smyrnaeans in this war is not attested by any historian. An inscription, however, fortunately preserved, informs us that when Seleucus was hard pressed by Ptolemy, and was on his way to Seleucis, the Smyrnaeans showed themselves loyal subjects, and were not intimidated by the approach of Ptolemy's forces to their city. Seleucus showed his gratitude by "confirming the autonomy and democracy of the demos," and by making the city an asylum. Not long after a treaty, offensive and defensive, was made with the Magnesians ad Sipylum, which seems to have lasted till the Roman period. By the terms of this treaty the stronghold of Palaemagnesia was conceded to the Smyrnaeans.

Not long after followed the war between Attalus I., king of Pergamus, and Achaeus, the cousin of Antiochus the Great, which was carried on with various success for five years. In this war the Aeolian cities and those near Aeolis at first yielded through fear to Achaeus; afterwards, however, when Achaeus was absent on an expedition against Selge in Pisidia, Attalus availing himself of the opportunity, went to Aeolis, and gained possession of the Aeolic cities, partly by diplomacy, partly by force. The first who went over to him voluntarily were the cities of Cyme, Smyrna, and Phocaea; and the Smyrnaean ambassadors were received by Attalus with special marks of his regard.3

Smyrna is then involved in the great quarrel between

1 C. I. 3137, vs. 8. This was said to have been done at the command of Apollo; Tac. A. 3, 63. The temple which was situated without the walls (C. I. 3156) enjoyed the privilege of an asylum given it by Seleucus Callinicus, till the period of the Roman empire (C. I. 3131, and Tac. l. 1); and was a place of deposit for important public documents; C. I. 3131, vs. 83.

2 Boeckh on C. I. 3157. The coins of Smyrna mention many alliances with other cities. Plut. de adul. et amic. 22, speaks of aid sent them by the Spartans, the time of which is not known.

8 Polyb. 5, 77

2

Antiochus the Great, and Rome. The immediate cause of contention between this monarch and the Romans was the interference of the Greeks with the affairs of the Asiatic cities. Most of the cities were averse to the rule of Antiochus, and yet from fear of an attack, gave in to him. Three cities, however, held out, Smyrna, Lampsacus and Alexandria Troas, and sent for aid to T. Quinctius Flamininus, the Roman commander; and the amity between the Smyrnaeans and the Romans, established on this occasion (196) was preserved inviolate, so that Cicero calls the Smyrnaeans fidelissimi atque antiquissimi socii. Antiochus on his part sent ambassadors to the Roman commander,3 and was ordered, in reply, "to keep away from the free cities, and not to attack them." The important lead taken by Smyrna at this period among the neighboring towns is attested by the action of Antiochus; he was afraid that, if these cities were allowed their liberty, the cities on the Hellespont would follow Lampsacus, and the Aeolic and Ionic cities would join Smyrna; he therefore sent forces from Ephesus to attack Smyrna.1 About the same time the Smyrnaeans established the first temple of the city of Rome ever founded by any foreign state."

6

The siege effected nothing; four years after (192, B. C.), when Antiochus was on the point of crossing over to Europe, he was unwilling to leave these three cities behind him, which he had not been able to take, up to that time, nor to induce to make peace on favorable terms. When the Romans crossed over to Asia two years after (190 B. C.), Antiochus sent Heraclides 7 as an ambassador to P. Scipio. In this embassy the city of Smyrna is mentioned as the cause of the war, and Antiochus volunteered to surrender his claims on the city to the Romans. This, however, was

8

5 Tac. A. 4, 56.

3 Liv. 33, 34. 6 Liv. 35, 42.

7 Polyb. Excc. Leg. 21, 10; Liv. 37, 34; App. Syr. 29. In the conference before L. Corn. Scipio for deliberation with the citizens of Smyrna and Lampsacus there were present on the part of the Smyrnaeans of wepl Kolpavov; Polyb. 18, 35.