« AnteriorContinuar »
ing a shrine and image of Homer. The harbor could be closed at will. One great defect, however, in the plan of the city is censured by Strabo, the want of subterranean Bewers, which made the streets all but impassable in wet weather.
The change in the external aspect of the city was small compared with the change in the character of the inhabitants and their relations to other cities and states. Since the reign of Alyattes whole dynasties had been subverted. Croesus had made the Greeks on the shore of Asia tributaries, and been himself overthrown by the Persians. The Persians in turn had yielded to the new power of Macedonia. The Ionic league still existed, but only in name, not in real significance. Hence, though the Smyrnaeans enjoyed a nominal and sickly autonomy, since the wealth and importance of the city made it a tempting bait for aggression, their only resource lay in the alliances formed with other cities. And, though frequent mention is made of the city in the subsequent history of Asia Minor, it offers little that is interesting, and appears only as a fragment of the changing and crumbling dynasties that followed upon Alexander the Great.
From the silence of the historians it would appear that the growth of the new town was very gradual. For a considerable time the name of the place is hardly mentioned. But Smyrna must have shared the freedom which all Ionia received at the hands of Alexander, and when Ionia was annexed to the satrapy of Lydia, it must have passed through the hands of Menander and Clitus, until it finally fell with the rest of the Ionian states, under the rule of Antigonus. All this, however, is conjectural, and the only special mention of the town is the passage of Pausanias above quoted.
Down to the time of Antiochus Theos another gap occurs. Antiochus restored to the other cities of Ionia their liberty,1 and appears to have done many good turns to the Smyrnaeans, in requital for which they displayed signal
1 Joseph. Antt. 12, 3, 2.
loyalty to him, and dedicated a shrine to him and his mother Stratonica.1
Smyrna is next mentioned in connection with Seleucus Callinicus, and his war with Ptolemy Euergetes, of Egypt The participation of the Smyrnaeans in this war is not attested by any historian. An inscription, however, fortunately preserved, informs us that when Seleucus was hard pressed by Ptolemy, and was on his way to Seleucis, the Smyrnaeans showed themselves loyal subjects, and were not intimidated by the approach of Ptolemy's forces to their city. Seleucus showed his gratitude by " confirming the autonomy and democracy of the demos," and by making the city an asylum. Not long after a treaty, offensive and defensive, was made with the Magnesians ad Sipylum, which seems to have lasted till the Roman period.9 By the terms of this treaty the stronghold of Palaemagnesia was conceded to the Smyrnaeans.
Not long after followed the war between Attalus I., king of Pergamus, and Achaeus, the cousin of Antiochus the Great, which was carried on with various success for five years. In this war the Aeolian cities and those near Aeolis at first yielded through fear to Achaeus; afterwards, however, when Achaeus was absent on an expedition against Selge in Pisidia, Attalus availing himself of the opportunity, went to Aeolis, and gained possession of the Aeolic cities, partly by diplomacy, partly by force. The first who went over to him voluntarily were the cities of Cyme, Smyrna, and Phocaea; and the Smyrnaean ambassadors were received by Attalus with special marks of his regard.3
Smyrna is then involved in the great quarrel between
1 C. I. 3137, vs. 8. This was said to have been done at the command of Apollo; Tnc. A. 3, 63. The temple which was situated without the walls (C. I. 3156) enjoyed the privilege of an asylum given it by Seleucus Callinicus, till the period of the Roman empire (C. I. 3131, and Tac. 1.1); and was a place of deposit for important public documents; C. I. 3131, vs. 83.
2 Hoeckh on C. I. 3157. The coins of Smyrna mention many alliances with other cities. Flut. dc adul. et amic. 22, speaks of aid sent them by the Spartans, the time of which is not known.
» Polyb. 5, 77
Antiochus the Great, and Rome. The immediate cause of contention between this monarch and the Romans was the interference of the Greeks with the affairs of the Asiatic cities.1 Most of the cities were averse to the rule of Antiochus, and yet from fear of an attack, gave in to him. Three cities, however, held out, Smyrna, Lampsacus and Alexandria Troas, and sent for aid to T. Quinctius Flamininus, the Roman commander; and the amity between the Smyrnaeans and the Romans, established on this occasion (196) was preserved inviolate, so that Cicero2 calls the Smyrnaeans fidelissimi atque antiquissimi socii. Antiochus on his part sent ambassadors to the Roman commander,3 and was ordered, in reply, "to keep away from the free cities, and not to attack them." The important lead taken by Smyrna at this period among the neighboring towns is attested by the action of Antiochus; he was afraid that, if these cities were allowed their liberty, the cities on the Hellespont would follow Lampsacus, and the Aeolic and Ionic cities would join Smyrna; he therefore sent forces from Ephesus to attack Smyrna.4 About the same time the Smyrnaeans established the first temple of the city of Rome ever founded by any foreign state.6
The siege effected nothing; four years after (192, B. C), when Antiochus was on the point of crossing over to Europe, he was unwilling" to leave these three cities behind him, which he had not been able to take, up to that time, nor to induce to make peace on favorable terms. When the Romans crossed over to Asia two years after (190 B. C), Antiochus sent Heraclides7 as an ambassador to P. Scipio. In this embassy the city of Smyrna is mentioned as the cause of the war, and Antiochus volunteered to surrender his claims on the city to the Romans.8 This, however, was
» App. Syr. 1 and 2. » Phil. 11, 2. 'Liv. 33, 34.
* Liv. 33, 38. 6 Tac. A. 4, 56. 8 Liv. 35, 42.
7 Polyb. Exec. Leg. 21, 10; Liv. 37, 34; App. Syr. 29. In the conference before L. Corn. Scipio for deliberation with the citizens of Smyrna and Lampsacus there were present on the part of the Smyrnaeans ol irtpl Koipavov; Polyb. 18, 35.
8 Diod. 5, 29, 7.
not satisfactory to the Romans; they demanded that he should not only leave Aeolia and Ionia, but all Asia west of the Taurus. At the conclusion of the war the Smyrnaeans were complimented in the highest terms by the Roman senate for preferring to suffer all extremities rather than surrender to Antiochus, and were rewarded by the adjudication of lands which they claimed as their own.1 The struggle had indeed called upon the Smyrnaeans for no inconsiderable sacrifices; they had supplied the Romans with ships and auxiliaries,2 and the gates and walls of the town gave evidence of the violence of the siege down to the times of Aristides.8
The friendly relations established in this war between Smyrna and Rome remained ever after unbroken. We find accordingly the Smyrnaeans on the side of Rome in the war with Aristonicus, when Attalus of Pergamus presented his kingdom to the Romans, and Smyrna, like the neighboring cities of Myndus, Samos, and Colophon, appears to have stood another siege ;4 and with the same success, it would appear, as in the war with Antiochus, since Smyrna was selected as the burial place of Crassus, the Roman commander.6 And soon after, in the Social War, the Romans were indebted to Smyrna for important reinforcements.6
Not even the terrors of the Mithridatic wars could shake the Smyrnaean allegiance to Rome. When this monarch had subjugated Phrygia and Mysia, and was on his way to Ionia, the Smyrnaeans closed their gates against him ;7 and when it was announced in the assembly at Smyrna that Sulla was reduced to great straits by the severity of the climate and the difficulties of procuring supplies, all present stript off their garments and sent them to the Roman army.3
1 Liv 38, ?8; Polyb. 22, 27, 10; Entrop. 4, 4, 2. 'l Liv. 37, 16.
8 nepl 'Ojii. I. p- "66. 4 llor. 2, 20; Arist. 1. L 6 Eutrop. 4, 20; Aristid.
0 Tac. 4, 56. Just before this P. Rulilius was presented with the freedom of the city for defending the provincials against the exactions of the publicani; Cic. Brut 22; p. Balb. 11, 28; Tac. A. 4, 43.
'Orosius, 6, 2, p. 241.
8 Tac. 1. 1. Aristides adds ('Eirior. ntp\ 1, p. 766) that the slaughtered
The importance of the town in Cicero's age is attested by him," and Strabo2 speaks of the Erasistratean school of medicine under Hicesius, as renowned before his day, though he implies it had subsequently died out. In the civil war (44, B. C.) the province of Asia was given to C. Trebonius. The year following Dolabella surprised him with his army, besieged the city, destroyed a great part of it, and slew Trebonius in a night attack.3
During the period of the Empire, Smyrna enjoyed to an unusual degree the favor and protection of the imperial coiirt, and in Augustus's time it was accounted among the finest cities of Asia Minor. Augustus was entitled the Founder of the city in consequence of his liberality, and even before his death Tiberius was treated with the customary adulation of the age/* On Tiberius's accession to the throne, Smyrna was selected out of all the cities of Asia Minor as the seat of a temple to the emperor, on account of her long-standing connection with Rome.6 In Pliny's time it was the seat of a conventus juridicus, to which a large part of Aeolia, the Macedones Hyrcani, and the Magnetes ad Sipylum had resort.6 The schools of rhetoric perhaps contributed more than any external patronage toward the fame of the town in this rhetorical age; rhetoricians and sophists enjoyed at Smyrna an immunity from taxes ;7 it was a sort of university town, to which youths resorted in large numbers from all parts of Asia, Africa and Europe.8 In the reign of Trajan9 the citizens received the priestly title of neocori,
leader was buried in the city. The relations of Smyrna to Mithridates would assume a different guise if the head on the coin in Mionnet, III. p. 217, were really that of Mithridates, as Viseonti, Icon. Gr. ad tab. XLII. thinks. But the Victoria with the crown and palm points rather to Seleucus Callinicus.
i Phil. 11,3. * 12, p. 580.
3 Veil. Pat 2, 7, 9; Cic.Phil. 11,15; Strab. 14,646; Appian.Bell. Civ.3, 26.
4 Cf. Bocckh on C. I. n. 3172.
5 Tac. A. 4,15 and 56. Arist. 'ejt. W. 2^. I. p. 767, gives the vote on this occasion.
« N. H. 5, 31; cf. Cic. p. Flacco, 29, 71.
~< C- I. 3178; Masson, dc Aristid. vit. p. exxx.
8 Philostr. Vitt. Soph. 1, 21. 5; cf. Arist. 2/i. TloK. I. p. 376.
9 The father of Trajan erected the aqueducts at Smyrna; C. I. 3146, 3147.