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not satisfactory to the Romans; they demanded that he should not only leave Aeolia and Ionia, but all Asia west of the Taurus. At the conclusion of the war the Smyrnaeans were complimented in the highest terms by the Roman senate for preferring to suffer all extremities rather than surrender to Antiochus, and were rewarded by the adjudication of lands which they claimed as their own. The struggle had indeed called upon the Smyrnaeans for no inconsiderable sacrifices; they had supplied the Romans with ships and auxiliaries, and the gates and walls of the town gave evidence of the violence of the siege down to the times of Aristides.

The friendly relations established in this war between Smyrna and Rome remained ever after unbroken. We find accordingly the Smyrnaeans on the side of Rome in the war with Aristonicus, when Attalus of Pergamus presented his kingdom to the Romans, and Smyrna, like the neighboring cities of Myndus, Samos, and Colophon, appears to have stood another siege; and with the same success, it would appear, as in the war with Antiochus, since Smyrna was selected as the burial place of Crassus, the Roman commander. And soon after, in the Social War, the Romans were indebted to Smyrna for important reinforcements."

Not even the terrors of the Mithridatic wars could shake the Smyrnaean allegiance to Rome. When this monarch had subjugated Phrygia and Mysia, and was on his way to Ionia, the Smyrnaeans closed their gates against him; and when it was announced in the assembly at Smyrna that Sulla was reduced to great straits by the severity of the climate and the difficulties of procuring supplies, all present stript off their garments and sent them to the Roman army.s

1 Liv 38, 38; Polyb. 22, 27, 10; Eutrop. 4, 4. 2.

2 Liv. 37, 16.

8 Περὶ Όμ. Ι. p. 766. 4 Flor. 2, 20; Arist. 1. 1. 5 Eutrop. 4, 20; Aristid. Tac. 4, 56. Just before this P. Rutilius was presented with the freedom of the city for defending the provincials against the exactions of the publicani; Cic. Brut 22; p. Balb. 11, 28; Tac. A. 4, 43.

7 Orosius, 6, 2, p. 241.

8 Tac. 1. 1. Aristides adds ('Emot. πeρì Zμ. 1, p. 766) that the slaughtered

The importance of the town in Cicero's age is attested by him, and Strabo2 speaks of the Erasistratean school of medicine under Hicesius, as renowned before his day, though he implies it had subsequently died out. In the civil war (44, B. C.) the province of Asia was given to C. Trebonius. The year following Dolabella surprised him with his army, besieged the city, destroyed a great part of it, and slew Trebonius in a night attack.3

During the period of the Empire, Smyrna enjoyed to an unusual degree the favor and protection of the imperial court, and in Augustus's time it was accounted among the finest cities of Asia Minor. Augustus was entitled the Founder of the city in consequence of his liberality, and even before his death Tiberius was treated with the customary adulation of the age. On Tiberius's accession to the throne, Smyrna was selected out of all the cities of Asia Minor as the seat of a temple to the emperor, on account of her long-standing connection with Rome." In Pliny's time it was the seat of a conventus juridicus, to which a large part of Aeolia, the Macedones Hyrcani, and the Magnetes ad Sipylum had resort. The schools of rhetoric perhaps contributed more than any external patronage toward the fame of the town. in this rhetorical age; rhetoricians and sophists enjoyed at Smyrna an immunity from taxes; it was a sort of university town, to which youths resorted in large numbers from all parts of Asia, Africa and Europe. In the reign of Trajan' the citizens received the priestly title of neocori,

leader was buried in the city. The relations of Smyrna to Mithridates would assume a different guise if the head on the coin in Mionnet. III. p. 217, were really that of Mithridates, as Visconti, Icon. Gr. ad tab. XLII. thinks. But the Victoria with the crown and palm points rather to Seleucus Callinicus.

1 Phil. 11, 3.

212, p. 580.

* Vell. Pat. 2, 7, 9; Cic. Phil. 11, 15; Strab. 14, 646; Appian. Bell. Civ. 3, 26. 4 Cf. Boeckh on C. I. n. 3172.

5 Tac. A. 4, 15 and 56. Arist. 'Eπ. π. Zμ. I. p. 767, gives the vote on this occa

sion.

6 N. H. 5, 31; cf. Cic. p. Flacco, 29, 71.

7 C. I. 3178; Masson, de Aristid. vit. p. cxxx.

Philostr. Vitt. Soph. 1, 21, 5; cf. Arist. Zu. Пoλ. I. p. 376.

• The father of Trajan erected the aqueducts at Smyrna; C. I. 3146, 3147.

(νεωκόροι τῶν Σεβαστών οι θεᾶς Ρώμης), an honor that was twice repeated, under Hadrian and Septimius Severus.1 Indeed Hadrian was so popular with the Smyrnaeans that he was called, like Augustus, Savior and Founder of the city, and an effort was made to call the city Hadriana, after his name.

With all its advantages, natural and others, among which the Christian Church and Polycarp will not be forgotten, Smyrna was subject to the two great scourges of the East, pestilences and earthquakes; in the reign of M. Antonine it was almost overthrown by the great earthquake of the year 177. By the liberality of the emperor, however, it was rebuilt on so extensive a scale that on the whole the earthquake was regarded as a beneficial thing.5

The new city of M. Antonine lasted till the division of the Roman Empire, when it was attached to the Eastern Empire. But as all traces of the original Greek city are lost, to pursue the history further would be a fruitless task, and we leave it with this, contented if we have shown that the historical facts are not quite so familiar or so well established as they are thought to be.

Krause, Civitt. Neocorae, p. 50.

2 C. I. n. 3174; Eckhel. I. 2, p. 544; Mionn. III. 1109; Suppl. VI. 1548. 8 C. I. 3165.

4 Aristides composed on this occasion his Mov. ¿π. Zμ.

Philostr. Vitt. Soph. 2, 9, 2; Aristid. Hoλ. èπl Zu. I. p. 465; Syncell. p. 353, D. The passage in Aristides, 'Iep. Aóy. y. I. p. 497, will perhaps explain the obscure allusion in the Oracula Sibyllina 5, p. 334. Other prophecies on S. are found 3, p. 243; p. 244; 5, p. 311.

ARTICLE

X.

NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

1.- PHILOLOGICAL STUDIES - BY PROFESSOR GIBBS.1

THIS volume contains eighty-three Articles on various topics belonging to Grammar and Rhetoric, ranging from the minutiae of English usage to principles of language in general, and to the logical and necessary relations of thought. We have been particularly interested in Art. IV.— Language of the Intellectual World, or Faded Metaphors; Art. V.— Cardinal Ideas in Language; Art. VI.- Development of Language; Art. VII. — Natural Development and Classification of Propositions; Art. VIII. -Natural Development and Nomenclature of Propositions; Art. IX. Development of the Parts of Speech from the Proposition; and in the fourteen Articles on the Figures of Speech, pp. 190-218. The Fragment, LXXIX., on Synonyms is one of singular worth. From the midst of discussions, which might seem to have a merely verbal interest, Prof. Gibbs often draws his reader to some of the profoundest thoughts in theology; see pp. 16, 198, et al. The volume contains many suggestions of great value in regard to Biblical interpretation; see pp. 204, 210, et al. The style of the Articles is concise and pithy. Sometimes, however, it becomes obscure through excessive condensation. On page 212, for instance, in explaining the passage "For he hath made him to be sin for us," 2 Cor., 5: 21, Professor Gibbs merely affirms: "Here sin means a sinner." This passage might imply, although we are aware that Professor Gibbs does not intend to intimate, what some divines have taught, that Christ was really a sinner, in consequence of our sins being imputed to him. In such instances does not perspicuity demand some amplification or explanation? Does not the word ȧpapríav in the disputed passage mean a representative of sin, rather than a sinner? The rare brevity of Article LXXXI. also involves the subject of it in some obscurity. The author condemns the remark of Kirkham: "What is false in fact may be correct in grammar." "This proposition," says Professor Gibbs, "seems to imply that in certain approved forms of language we affirm what is false." But in the same Article our author teaches that, in certain approved cases, language " is concerned with actualities rather than with realities," that certain terms denote "what is actual though not real." In using such terms we do not intend to make men believe that to be real which is not real; but we intend to make them

1 Philological Studies with English Illustrations. By Josiah W. Gibbs, Prof. Sac. Liter., Yale College. New Haven: Published by Durrie and Peek. 1857. pp. 244. 12mo.

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to believe that to be actual which is actual; we do not mislead nor intend to mislead them; our phrases are at once explained to mean what is true; but if interpreted as primarily and literally denoting what is real, they are false. Esop tells us that "the ass spake" articulate language. This assertion is false in reality, as a literal assertion, but is true in its actual and designed meaning. Moses tells us that the ass spake articulate language. This assertion is true in reality, and true in the sense which Moses intended. Substitute Professor Gibbs's word "reality" for Mr. Kirkham's word "fact," and the two grammarians are harmonized so far as the cited sentence of Mr. Kirkham is concerned. Both authors admit that certain phrases are true in their intended meaning; and false if they be interpreted as teaching that the facts literally denoted by the words, really exist.

But we are not purposing to criticise this excellent and erudite volume. We hope that it will be carefully studied by our clergymen, and that its author will give to the world still more extended results of his active and cautious investigations. We are happy to present to our readers in this connection two brief and hitherto unpublished Articles of Professor Gibbs, which are written with the same acumen and accuracy as are seen on every page of his Philological Studies. The Articles were written for the Bibliotheca Sacra, and we trust that we may receive many similar communications from the same cautious hand.

The Ethical Dative.

THE dativus ethicus or ethical dative, is a dative of the personal pronoun, employed to denote the moral interest or sympathy of the person thus expressed in the action or event which is affirmed.

This use of the dative is found in Greek, Latin, German, and English. An equivalent for the same exists in Hebrew.

This dative, having been formerly regarded as a dativus commodi sive incommodi, was thought as such to be nearly or quite pleonastic. For this there seemed to be the countenance of the Hebrew. See Andrews and Stoddard's Lat. Gram., p. 202. Beck's Latin Syntax, p. 18. Sopho

cles's Greek Gram. (1849), p. 224. Conant's Gesenius (1855), p. 269. It is now regarded as expressing the moral interest or sympathy of the person in the action denoted by the verb. As such sympathy may always be supposed to exist in moral and intelligent beings, it is naturally expressed in language, only when deeply felt. Hence this dative is thought to have a peculiar force.

C. Michelsen awards to Buttmann the praise of having first drawn attention to the distinctive character of the dativus ethicus. See Michelsen's Kasuslehre, p. 212.

But

Michelsen would extend the application of the term ethical, so as to cover all the uses of the dative, except the final. See Mich., p. 213, 214. in this he is not to be followed.

The ethical dative is found particularly in the familiar style of popular intercourse; as in Canticles, Homer, Xenophon, Plautus, and Shakspeare.

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