3. That a heavy duty or even a prohibition of the "The liberal policy of the United States, in openimportation of foreign manufactures would not di- ing to all nations a free trade to the vast marts of minish our foreign market for such articles as are their colonial acquisitions, ought, it would seem, wanted abroad-that the rules of trade result from to entitle them to some corresponding privileges mutual wants and not friendship-that our con from those nations, at least, who participate largely sumption of foreign manufactures does not increase in the benefits of that trade. But no such recipro the market for any of our products. The memo-cation has been experienced; nor, as the result of rial saysgratuitous concession, is it to be expected. "Your memorialists are persuaded that a measure "In reference to the oppressive discriminating like the one proposed could produce no injurious duties on importation of American products into effects upon the agricultural and commercial inte-France, which it is the principal object of the prerests of the United States, by abridging in foreign sent memorial to bring under the notice of governmarkets the sale of their produce. The prohibi- ment, your memorialists take leave most respecttory regulations of different governments prove, fully to suggest, that they can devise no expedient that the want of our provisions is the only security more likely to produce a favorable change in the we now enjoy for their admission into foreign ports, present system of the French government, nor betand wherever this want exists they will continue to ter calculated to enable the citizens of the United be received direct, or by intermediate ports. States successfully to resist it, if persevered in, than the imposition of a heavy tonnage duty: and, at the same time, no measure appears to your memorialists so consistent with the general policy of the United States." "The principal articles exported to France are so essential to the supply of her manufactories that they cannot be dispensed with: so that, if a system of commercial regulations could be supposed to exist, operating to prevent a direct exportation of Apply these observations to the agricultural prothose articles to that country, its whole supplies of ductions of the country, let the counteracting pocotton and tobacco must be derived through the cir-licy be the exclusion of manufactures instead of cuitous channel of England, (as has been partially shipping, and we might believe those and all the practised for the last two years,) or through some other extracts were made from the report of the of the neighboring ports of the continent. And, in committee of manufactures. It is, indeed, a strange either case, we should at least partake in the ad- coincidence that the doctrines of that committee vantages of their transportation across the Atlan- and the New-York chamber of commerce, should tic." be so perfectly in unison: Mr. Bayard and Mr. BaldThis is the deliberate opinion of a large body of win pressing on congress the adoption of the same intelligent merchants; apply it to manufactures and principles-both using the same reasoning. It it commands universal assent: yet we find among seems, indeed, that the latter has borrowed his the mercantile memorials against the new tariff ideas from the former. In the new tariff, there is this urged as an objection to its adoption-that it a discrimination of seven per cent. between cottons would destroy our foreign market. The North from India and Europe, and ten on silks-the reaAmerican Review and a miserable pamphlet pub-son given by Mr. Baldwin was, that it would conlished in Boston, called "The old and new tariffs ciliate France as well as discourage the China trade, compared," dwell largely on this objection. That which absorbed our specie and gave no market for the importation of foreign goods does not add to our produce. Though I would not suspect him of the markets of our produce, is known to every in- forming reasons and principles from chambers of telligent and practical merchant-the contrary as-commerce, yet the following extract will detect sertion will be made by no man who does under-him in a most unequivocal plagiarism. The memostand the subject, unless done to deceive and mis- rial sayslead. Let the question be sent home to every importing merchant, let him answer on his honor and according to his experience, he will say with Mr. Bayard that the want of our provisions is the only security for their admission into foreign markets. I well know how common it is in a merchant, when you speak of protecting duties, to shrug up his shoulders, look like a Sir Oracle, and say, you will destroy agriculture; England will buy nothing from us:-if you believe them, they will laugh at your credulity-if you ask them, is that a rule of trade, is it the result of your experience and observation? they will tell you, if they have candor, that it is not I would ask the eastern merchant how much of the produce of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island is consumed in Great Britain, Russia and Sweden-how much of the manufactures of those countries is consumed in those three states?-let him strike the balance. He dares not assert on his reputation, that the consumption of foreign goods gives a market to the produce of those states, or that a prohibition of manufactures would make it worse. 4. That the regulations of foreign governments which exclude our produce, ought to be counter. acted by the exclusion of their manufactures-that we have nothing to expect from their friendship or liberality, and in self-defence must resort to retaliation to produce reciprocity. The memorial says "Although it may be questionable, in a case like the present, whether it would comport with the dignity of the nation to offer any considerations to foreign powers, in order to obtain a just reciprocity of commercial benefits, yet your memorialists take leave to suggest the expediency of holding out to France some further encouragements to the consumption in the United States of French wines and silk manufactures. Encouragements of this nature, if not required as an inducement to France to place the regulations of her trade with this country ora a more equal and just footing, may, possibly, be used to obtain some relaxation in her colonial restrictions, and induce the repeal of the late order, directed to the national tobacco manufactory in France, which restricts the employment of the foreign growth of that article to the proportion of one-sixth part for five-sixths parts of domestic growth. "It is true, in reference to the article of wines, the duty on which is now sufficiently reduced, the United States could, in the way of inducement to France, only assure to her the continuance of that reduction. But, in regard to silk manufactures, the imposition of additional duties on the same articles imported from China, might be adopted as a measure of reciprocal advantage. "It would certainly be of great importance to France to check the immense importations from correct all errors, and prostrate a system which AGAINST THE NEW TARIFF.--We have been request- It China of silk goods in imitation of French fabrics. | all that we have to remit; the money changers And, considering the heavy drains of specie from have so managed it, that it requires 110 dollars of the United States, which are caused by the prose. American money to pay 100 dollars of debt concution of the trade to China, it would, at least, be tracted for British manufactures. How long go equally advantageous to us, to receive the same ar-vernment will slumber, or the people continue to ticles from countries where they can be obtained in suffer passively, is hard to tell. A crisis is arriving exchange for our own products." which will test the patience of every reflecting Strange perversity of human judgment, that will man-the few who profit by it, may, for a short refuse the general application of correct principles time, enjoy the benefits resulting from the sufferbecause they have been taken from a mercantile ings of the many, but I am mistaken in every indimemorial and urged in debate by a friend of manu- cation and incapable of reasoning from cause to factures! Mr. Bayard, in his memorial, is correct effect, if a few months do not bring about a convulin decrying the doleful effects of the China trade—sion in public opinion which will dispel all illusions, he is an eminent merchant; but if Mr. Baldwin repeats the same sentiment in congress, "our soil and our seas are in danger of usurpation." Hoping that you, Mr. Niles, will publish this memorial in your invaluable Register, I make no further extracts from it: it is too precious a document to be forgotten or to be neglected in the application of principles; -to test them is another thing. The Philadelphia convention in November last, said, if the new tariff passed it would destroy commerce, agriculture and revenue; that our ships would rot at our wharves, ourseamen become skulking, profligate smugglers, &c. &c. This tariff added 10 per cent. to the present duty on silks, linen and worsteds, 8 per cent. to cottons and woollens-and this additional duty was to be equal to a total prohibition of importations, and bring about the extinguishment of com. merce, because it added this amount to the price of the goods! I find that, however much the mer chants writhed and twisted in anticipating the whip of the tariff, they are very quiet and passive under the scorpion of exchange: bills on England are now 9 to 10 per cent, premium, and rising. This is worse than the tariff, and yet there seems no danger to commerce. It is probable that every member of the Philadelphia convention is at this time buying, selling, or negociating bills on England or Europe; if their price is added to the goods, and thus increases the price of the foreign article to the consumer, it must bring on the country all the dreadful consequences predicted from the tariff. If the premium is not added to the goods and is a clear loss to the importer or remitter, it is difficult to account for their silence; their profits must be enormous if they can afford it; and it is conclusive evidence that an additional charge of 10 per cent. whether for duty or remittance, does not prove prohibitory in its effects. I would be much instructed to hear the clamorers against the tariff recon. cile their conduct while they are thus paying this enormous premium, "Our soil and our seas are in danger" when congress proposes an addition of 8 per cent. to the duties-merchants would be in a state of rebellion, if a stamp duty of 10 per cent. was imposed on all bills of exchange remitted to Europe--yet they voluntarily pay it to brokers, banks and agents, and still continue to import foreign manufactures. If this is consistent with the language of their memorials, it is beyond common comprehension and I hope will be explained. The mercantile character has been compromitted in their memorials and pamphlets-they must hence. forth be silent or refuse to pay a premium for remittances greater than the proposed addition to the duties. At all events, be this as it may, the rate of exchange is a new and alarming tax on the conWashington, Jan. 24, 1821. sumers of foreign goods-our dollars will not buy DEAR SIR-Inclosed you will receive an address them: the produce, the property, and business of to the people of the United States, in favor of the the country have been sacrificed to the rage for encouragement of domestic manufactures, which I foreign manufactures-even foreign laws exclude consider not only able, but conclusive as to the utiliour provisions from a market, and pare money is ty, nay the indispensable necessity, of the increase is given us to understand, that Mr. Culbreth is a decided friend of domestic industry, and that he considers the prosperity of our manufactures as absolutely necessary to the general prosperity of the country-yet, that he voted against the tariff bill, reported by Mr. Baldwin, on the ground that "further legislative aid" to protect them was not required at that time. In proof of this, we are referred to the fact, that the Waltham cotton manufactory has declared a dividend of 30 per cent, on the capital of the company for the last year, and yet furnishes goods of a better quality. and on better terms than they can be be imported at-lower in price than such goods were ever sold for in the United States; and the ability so to dispose of them is attributed to the protection afforded by the existing tariff, and other cases is referred to to shew that protective duties must not necessarily operate as taxes on consumers. We have not at present any remarks to offer on the subject at large-but, certainly, there are some articles, (iron, for instance), whose manufacture should be established beyond the possibility of foreign control, as essential to the greatest and dearest interests of our country. Many others, long struggling for existence, will work their own way, through the necessity imposed that we should be "customers to our customers," and from an experience of the fact, that the nominal price of a commodity has nothing at all to do with its cost to the consumer. Persons have been so situated that they would gladly have given a pint of diamonds for a pint of water, if they had had them, and have made a good bargain by doing so. The principle of this thing applies to all the dealings between man and his fellow. TO THE EDITOR OF THE EASTON STAR. and prosperity of that important, and (in my hum- Names and Rank ble judgment) truly national interest. TS Jessup, brig HAtkinson, brig commissons. Date of Brevet and former 1 June 1821 1 Oct 1820 Wm Linnard, Q M 12 May 1813 There seems to me to be but one object of the address, the propriety of which it has failed to establish; and that is the necessity of further legisla-JE Wool, Insp gen 29 Apr 1816 tive protection and encouragenent. While, there. fore, I assent to the general principles and reasoning of the address, some of the facts and statements which it contains lead me to the conclusion that no further legislative encouragement is necessary to insure that increase and prosperity, which I believe, with the author of the address, to be so essential to the best interests of the country. Remarkss Washington For Assistant Quarter-masters, see officers of the line. Sami Perkins do John D Orr do do Subsistence Department. St. Louis Detroit Albany (Col staff, 29 Apr Washingter Com geu subs. 18 April 1818 { 1816 For Assist. Com. of Subsistence, see the subalterns of the line Callender Irvine Com. Purchses Archibald Steele, D. Parker, Pay. 8 Aug 1812 Pay Department. 1 June 1821 It appears to me that the state of the timesthe present actual, as well as the future anticipated Col. Geo. Gibson situation of affairs, as well in this, as in foreign countries; their increased agriculture, which, together with their commercial regulations, restrictions and prohibitions, have already deprived us of a market for the surplus agricultural products of a very large portion of our country, and which seem to threaten us at no very distant day with a like deprivation in relation to most other articles, produced in the other sections; the consequent de-T Wright, Pay mas 22 June 1815 Asher Phillips do 26 Aug cline in the prices of those important agricultural productions, denomitated bread-stuffs, as well as in the wages of labour, (facts and circumstances strongly adverted to in the address), afford that certain, safe and substantial encouragement to domestic manufactures, that I am firmly convinced insures their steady increase and permanent prosperity; and which renders it unnecessary, as well as impolitic in the present divided state of the public opinion, to legislate further upon the subject. It was principally from considerations such as are here stated, that, though agreeing in general principles with tire friends of the tariff proposed at the last session, I voted against that measure; and those considerations having acquired greater weight since the last session, will induce me again to vote against the same tariff, which is now proposed, unless I can be convinced that the view I have taken of the subject is erroneous, and that further legislative protection is indispensable to insure the perma nént establishment and prosperity of the manufacturing interest,-in which case, believing that interest to be essentially connected with the other great interests of the country, and more particularly and intimately with that of agriculture, which I unhesitatingly give the first rank, I shall give my vote in favor of that or any other measure essentially necessary to effectuate the object. Alp Whetmore do 14 Oct staff, Brig gen 222 Nov 1814 Captain do do do Major do do do Captain Major Squire Lea do 15 May Jos P Russell do 10 Aug Adjt. and Insp. Gen's office, May 17, 1821. R Weightman do 21 do WH Livinston do 3 Feb 1819 GENERAL ORDERS. In pursuance of the act of con- IPC Mcmahon do 23 July gress, entitled "an act to reduce and fix the military Wm Beaumont do peace establishment of the United States," passed Egbert H Bell do 28 Jan 1820 the 2d of March, 1821, the president has directed Robert French do 12 Apr that the following list of officers, the following orga- James Cutbush do 16 May CN M'Coskry do do nization of regiments and commands, with the fol-w S Comstock do 12 Oct lowing distribution of the troops, shall constitute the peace establishment of the United States, from and after the 1st of June next: Names and Rank 7th Infantry Utica, N. Y. St. Lous Washington Ft Sullivan with the 7 Inft |