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ney-lenders, and shaping his course as they would justice, and thereby secure, at once, a snug living open their purses. The president of the bank of the for life as well as a character for infallible judgment United States has already stepped forward to the and unerring discretion: but I suppose the people point lately held by the governor of the bank of will not agree to the former, and I am sure that no England-he has great negociations with and much president will place me in the seat of the latter; so to do at the treasury already: let things go on as I must expect to be, as I am now, just a payer of they are, and he will ultimately become one of the taxes-a simple animal, necessary to exist; because, most effective members of what is courteously called without such as me, there would not be rule and "the cabinet," in humble imitation of matters of the authority amongst men. I have not any rising sun sort in regal governments. When it is so-and the to worship-and frankly confess and sincerely despirit of our fathers shall animate us and our chil, clare, that I would now rather pay my respects to dren, we shall hardly get back to the "honest pay- the "sage of Monticello," whom I always loved, or ment of our debts" and repose in safety, with- to him of "Quincy” that I have severely reprobatout positive hostilities: for then, ways and means ed and most strenuously opposed, than to any of will be provided to secure majorities in congress in those who have power and office, or hope to hold it, favor of the system. When the fund holders and at Washington. This may be political heresy in stock-jobbers have an interest different from that these times-let it be called what it may, it is true of the people at large-when they can dictate to and I will abide by it-"sink or swim." But this the government-liberty is lost. There is nothing does not lessen the sense of honest regard that ! new in these doctrines they are as old as the days entertain for several of them-about which, I sup of Humpden, and were fashionable in the United pose, they care a great deal!—and the preference States a very few years ago. If any one had said will not do any of them wrong. that the sinking fund would be invaded by mem- The people must come forth-they must act to bers of the then dominant party for two successive preserve themselves, to maintain the character of years, in 1820 and 1821, and that in those years we their institutions by teaching those in power, what should be increasing the public debt to meet the they should do. Our glorious system was not built public disbursements in a season of profound peace, up for the present age and generation, much less he would have been called a fool, dolt, idiot or mad for the benefit of a few individuals, that, whether man. Let the people look back-the period of they are good and great, bad or small, must scon years is but small, let any republican of that day become food for worms. It was built up to bear venture to put his hand upon his heart, and say if evidence of the fact, that the ALMIGHTY has grant 1 misrepresent facts or am mistaken in them. Ied reason to man for his own government; and that, should like to see the man of that day that would as man is a responsible being, so should be hold de it, who then had put his hand to paper as I did. on to responsibility for his own good and the lastO that mine enemy had written a book." ing benefit even of those selected and appointed It is a fact that no reflecting republican is pre-to administer on his affairs. Free enquiry is the pared to deny, that, to use the words of the New-friendl of truth-and he is a thousand times more York Republican Sentinel, "the republican party has relaxed in the stern and rigid adherence to principle, which once characterized them, is known to, and spoken of, by every political sect in the nation." And as it was under a "rigid adherence to principle" that we prospered, we must return to it or become wretched. The fact is, we are going back faster than ever we advanced in good works, so far as they are dependent on the conduct of our (4) In 1815, the returns of several maritime coungovernment. The country is suffering more, a ties of certain of the middle states [see Register, thousand times more, in the loss of life excepted, vol. IX, page 232] led me to the conclusion that than it did during the late war. Nay, to such des such counties had an average of one pauper for perate circumstances are many reduced, that I have every 230 of the whole population: from informa heard numbers of respectable merchants and deal-tion recently received, I have very little doubt but ers, as well as farmers, who regularly attend church and are apparently quite as "moral and religious" as those who held it improper to rejoice at the triumphs of their country, say that they preferred Madison's war to Monroe's era of good feelings," with an avowed desire, also, that a general war should break out in Europe, and an indirect one likewise expressed, that we ourselves might be involved in some controversy "to effect a change of the times!" On the mere mention of these things, every one will see that they are true; for this is the only period since the adoption of the present constitution, in which misery pervaded the mass of our society; when nearly all men, office holders excepted, complained of the difficulties encountered in obtaining a comfortable subsist e for themselves and their families.

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honorable who thinks erroneously for himself, than another who pins his faith on the sleeve of a neigt bor. Too great a degree of toil is better than too much leisure-too great a degree of jealousy and watchfulness is better than too much confidence and neglect--the turmoil of revolution is better than the quiet of despotism and apathy of despair!

NOTES.

that the same counties now maintain twa paupers out of every 230 of their inhabitants-that is, the number of their paupers has been doubled since 1815. This is owing to the want of occupation for aged and feeble persons, such as they used to have in abundance, or the want of means in others to support them, as was the case formerly-because, even yet, persons able to perform the usual labors of healthy men and women, are not maintained as public paupers. If we take the rich and populous county of Chester, in Pennsylvania, for an example, things will appear far worse than I have represent ed it. In 1810, the population was 39,536, and the paupers were 115-by the census just taken, the number of its inhabitants is found to be 44,452, and its paupers are 230. In 1810, as one was to 344-i!! 1820, as one is to 138! Note, this is one of the richest, most economical and prudent agricultural counties that there is in the United States.

It is of less importance to me than a ray of moonshine when I am sleeping most profoundly, whether Mr. Monroe, or Mr. Any-one-else is president of the United States. I would not give any thing for a The "Franklin Republican,” published at Chamchoice of mere men, except to elect myself pre-bersburg, on the 31st ult. in the midst of one of the sident, because of the money that I could save out richest districts of Pennsylvania, inhabited by indusof the office, or to have myself appointed chick trious and pains-taking farmers, contains notices &

no less than twenty pieces of property offered for Sale-by the sheriff many of them relating to large farms, containing as much as 250 acres, and belonging to different persons.

"Oppression maketh a wise man mad,” saith So. lomon-yes, and converts men, disposed to be hon. est, into arrant knaves. The distresses of the times, (arising in part from the changes that have taken place in Europe, and in part from our own. imprudence and profligacy, but more than either from what I believe to have been the waste and improvidence of congress, whose great business it is to take care of the public welfare), has caused wise people to commit the maddest actions, and honest men to become destitute of the first principles of equity. Instance the "state banks," loan offices," "endorsement laws," "appraisement laws," "replevin laws," and the host of the other regulations enacted to put off the payment of just debts. We are led to refer to these matters again by seeing in the "Chillicothe Supporter," of the 25th ult. the particulars of a case, with the names of the parties given, in which some wheat, in the sheaf, under execution to satisfy a debt, was ap praised by two men, on their oaths, as worth seventy five cents per bushel, when the real state of the case was that it would not have brought twenty-five cents per bushel. So the plaintiff' was either com. pelled to suffer his debt to remain as it was, or re. ceive one third of its amount. From all such things,

we can reverently say, "Good LORD deliver us!"

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per ton, $96.83 Had it been subjected to the duty of 30 dollars, the cost on the wharf would have been $110.57.

Every bar of this iron could have been obtained finished in the manner in which this has been imin the New-York market at 90 dollars per ton, ported; and the New Jersey furnaces, we believe, would have made it of cast iron at $65, which would have been much more elegant in its appearance, and equally as durable.

That cast iron is, in every respect, for the purposes of railing, equal to wrought iron, there can be no doubt; it is almost exclusively used in Eng. this country, and particularly round the extensive land, and we might add, in many instances in state house square in Philadelphia. Why iron should be imported for our public works, when it can be obtained at home on better terms, the people wish to be informed. The same policy was pursued in Philadelphia, till the patriotism of the people ef fected a complete change in the government of the city; and, instead of sending to England for 2 or (b) It is universally known that pardons for sins 3,000 tons of cast iron pipes, to bring a supply of committed, or to be committed, were as much a water into the city, patronage has been extended marketable article in Europe, only a few centuries to the New-Jersey furnaces, and the pipes have ago, as hogs are now; and that these passports to been obtained on better terms, and superior in heaven were sold as hogs are, according to the quality and workmanship to those imported; and weight of the offence against the laws of GoD, which by which they have kept in the country more than impious villains thus took it upon themselves to 150,000 dollars. And we might add, that some of dispense with or set aside, as availing nothing the furnaces, which have been engaged in making against their decisions, affecting an ability to send these pipes for the last three years, have distribut the souls of men to heaven or to hell, at their own ed a considerable portion of this money in this city good pleasure! There is yet too much of such and state, for their supply of bread stuffs, groce blasphemous proceedings, and they are not con-ries, pork, oystershells, coarse cotton and linen fined to any one sect. The "Mumbo Jumbo" of the negroes in Africa, is innocent, nay, praise-wor thy, compared with such abominations-because we ought to know better.

(c) New York, August 1.-Our iron masters may now be gratified with a view of the iron railing, imported by the ship Ann, captain Crocker, from Liverpool. This railing is finished ready for put. ting up, in order to evade the specific duty of 830 per ton, and to get it through the custom-house under the ad valorem duty of 20 per cent. by which only $13.54 per ton is paid into the treasury, in stead of 30 dollars; making a difference of $16.46 per ton against the treasury. It will be not a little surprising to our iron masters, to find, on examining this iron, that the whole finishing of each bar, by which the tonnage duty is evaded, may be done for two cents per bar, at which price any of our smiths would gladly contract to finish it.

That we should import iron railing, to enclose our grand public square and City Hall, we view as a deep reflection on our patriotism, and as highly reprehensible in the councils of our city; and more especially, when every bar of this iron could have been obtained at a less price and better quality, of American manufacture,

To shew that facts fully sustain us in this assertion, we will state the cost of this iron, delivered from on board the ship Ann on the wharf:

goods, &c. One furnace alone, engaged in making these pipes, has purchased in one year in this city, supplies amounting to more than 12,000 dollars, besides what was obtained from Philadelphia and New Jersey.

Facts like these speak in favor of home industry; we state them without the least fear of contradic tion, and they come home to the understanding of every one.

That bar iron should be imported manufactured into iron railing, at an expense not exceeding two cents per bar, and evade the specific duty of $30 per ton,, claims the attention of our national legislature; and we have learnt, with much pleasure, that the surveyor of the revenue of this port, will make this the subject of a special communication to the treasury department.

-Journal

(d) About a week after this article was prepared for the press, the editor received a very polite and friendly letter from a distinguished gentleman in South Carolina, from which the following is extracted. After speaking of a general agreement in opinion with me, he says-"With regard to the proposed tariff, we should differ materially. The inte rests of the manufacturers must necessarily be the interest of a comparatively small minority, which for the present, at least, is always at variance with the immediate interests of the nation at large. That the nation may have, and often does have an ultimate interest in the establishment of particular

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manufactures, is readily conceded--but it is by no
means presumable in any case, and I humbly con-
ceive it never can be politic to impose a forcing
tariff on such a variety of articles at one time, as it
is now proposed to do.

as a means of advancing the prosperity of the United States. This is the broad principle on which I have always acted; and if the people would take the trouble to examine it, I must apprehend there are not many persons that would materially differ with will do, after thus communing with him-for we are of the same mind on the great matter before us.

"The "onus probandi” that the nation have a suf-me, any more than the gentleman of South Carolina ficient interest in the success of every particular branch, to warrant the sacrifice which legislative encouragement requires, should, in all cases, be rigidly exacted of those who ask the favor; and, as in other cases where individuals ask benefits at the public expense, the demand should be suspiciously received and maturely investigated. But on such matters republicans may agree to differ, whilst they differ honestly."

There is another case in point that may well be noticed--our attention has been invited to it by the New-York Journal.

(e) I have no manner of doubt that if, as soon as the manufacture has a little further advanced and a duty of 100 per cent. on the cost is laid upon Leghorn hats and bonnets, we shall not only have an ample sufficiency for the home supply, but also become the successful rivals of Italy in the European market, just as we can now meet even the British It is many years since I first took up the pen with coarse cottons, which it is notorious are sellin support of national industry, and what I have ing cheaper at our manufactories than at those of thought upon the subject has been generally re- Manchester. To be sure, this matter of hats and duced to writing and laid before the public. What bonnets is a small affair-it will not employ many I have just now expressed is in perfect concord, I thousand women and render them comfortable, that believe, with every line that I have written about now are idle, perhaps driven to crime for subsistmanufactures; certainly, in strict conformity with ence-but still its establishment would save us the my reflections upon the degree of encouragement sum of at least 500,000 dollars a year, and if it adwhich the legislature ought to be called upon to afvances so that we could export a similar amount, ford--not for the benefit of the manufacturers, but the difference would be more than two millions per for the good of the country. If, then, the text of annum, besides the effect that it would have upon the present article is liberally compared with the the morals of society. contents of the extract introduced above, what material difference is there between the gentleman of South Carolina and myself? We do not require any sacrifices-we only wish to establish certain domes- "The marquis of Lansdowne, in a speech in the tic manufactures, by which (from the certainty of the house of lords, on the 8th of June, stated that the protection afforded), certain commodities can and raw silk imported into England, in 1820, amounted will be furnished at a lower rate to the consumer to 2,500,0007.; and that the value of the raw mate than they cost him at present, as shewn in the next rial, when manufactured, was 12,000,000. It is well succeeding note. I am opposed to bounties in ge- known to all those who are conversant with British neral-yet hold it right to tolerate those granted to history, that the manufacture of silk has long been our fishermen, for the national reason that their protected by almost prohibitory duties. On this profession furnishes us with seamen. The amount article, alone, according to the marquis of Lansthat they receive is a real bounty-a premium ac-downe's statement, the manufacturers of England tually paid to encourage them to prosecute their give it an additional value, by their skill and indusbusiness--because the amount received much ex-try, of 9,500,000l. The marquis concludes his obserceeds that which is paid as duty upon the salt used vations by stating, that "he could inform them (their by them in curing their fish. But, though we do lordships) that there appeared to be no disposition not ask for any bounty, can it be said that the fishe. among the manufacturers to call for the continuance ries are the only pursuit of all the various avocations of the prohibition of foreign silks." The protec in which our people are engaged, that is deserving tion they have so long enjoyed has enabled them to of it? Certainly, no one will answer in the affirma- compete with the world! Let this instance of the tive. But let us look at the protection afforded to beneficial effect of protecting manufactures in a single article of agriculture, which at this time their infancy, be remembered. England, without operates as a bounty on its production-I mean sugar, the aid of her manufacturing industry and skill, This year's crop will probably amount to 40,000,000 | could never have subsidised all Europe, and have lbs.; the protecting duty, or bounty, on this quan- supported the immense weight of her national tity will amount to one million two hundred thousand debt; nor could her agriculture and commerce have dollars, for the direct, immediate benefit of perhaps flourished beyond all former example.” not much more than 2 or 300 planters in the single state of Louisiana! Look at this, seriously-One state, of a weak grade in point of population, protected in one production, raised by a few individuals, in the amount of 1,200,000 dollars a year! There is no parallel for this-the wildest enthusiast in support of manufactures never dreamt of such a degree of protection- for a real protection it is, because the domestic product is not nearly adequate The standing committee on colleges, academies, to the domestic demand. When it rises to that de- and common schools, report: that they have under mand, and shall become, as our coarse cottons now consideration the report of a committee of the seare, an article of export, the duty on sugar will nate of Maryland, and certain resolutions of the lecease to act as a bounty; but until then, it must re-gislature of that state founded thereon, which were main so. Yet, if convinced that an increase of the communicated to this house by his excellency the duty on sugar was necessary to induce its more ex-governor and referred to this committee. tended cultivation, and that there was land and spare labor enough to furnish a home supply, with a surplus, I would cheerfully agree to its increase: not for the benefit of the planters of Louisiana, but]

Legislature of New-York.

IN ASSEMBLY, MARCH 30, 1821. Report of the committee on colleges, academies, and common schoals, upon the message of his excellency the governor, communicating the resolutions of the legislature of Maryland.

The object of the report and resolutions is to call the attention of congress, and of the legislatures of the several states, to the public lands of the United States, as a fund from which appropriations, for the

purposes of education, may, with justice, be claim-priated as a common fund for the expenses of the ed, not only by Maryland, but by all the original war; on the other side, the whole territory north states of the union. The extent of this claim is of the Ohio and west of Pennsylvania, to the norththus stated: "One thirty-sixth part of all "the states ern boundary of the United States, and westwardly and territories (except Kentucky,) whose waters to the Mississippi, was claimed by Virginia; Massafall into the Misssisippi and the Gulf of Mexico, chusetts and Connecticut claimed all that part withhas been appropriated by congress, wherever the in the breadth of their respective charters; and Indian title has been extinguished, and provisions New-York had also an extensive, though indetermi have been made for futher appropriations, accord-nate claim of the same kind; the territory now forming to the same ratio, wherever the Indian title may ing the state of Tennessee, was disputed by various hereafter be extinguished, for the support of com-claims, of which that of North-Carolina was the mon schools; and other large appropriations have most extensive and the strongest; South-Carolina been made for the support of seminaries of a high- and Georgia laid claim in the same way to the lands er grade. Your committee are of opinion, that the lying south of the 35th degree of north latitude.— states, for whose benefit no such appropriations From all these states, the United States have, at difhave been made, are entitled to ask them of con-ferent times, obtained cessions, by which all these gress, not as a matter of favor, but of justice.” conflicting rights were extinguished and merged in that of the national government.

The report proceeds to support this claim by an elaborate and ingenious argument; and the legisla By an act of the legislature of this state, passed ture of Maryland appears to have fully entered into Feb. 19th, 1780, the delegates representing the the views of their committee, by accepting the re-state of New-York, in congress, were "fully authoriport, and adopting the following resolutions:

"Resolved, by the general assembly of Maryland, That each of the United States has an equal right to participate in the benefit of the public lands, the common property of the union.

zed and empowered, for and on behalf of this state, and by proper and authentic acts and instruments, to limit and restrict the boundaries of this state, in the western part thereof, by such line or lines, and in such manner and form, as they shall judge to be "Resolved, That the states, in whose favor con- expedient, either with respect to the jurisdiction, gress have not made appropriations of land, for the as well as the right of pre-emption of soil, or reservpurposes of education, are entitled to such appro-ing the jurisdiction in part or in whole." In purpriations as will correspond, in a just proportion, with those heretofore made in favor of the other states."

suance of this authority, the delegates, on the 1st March, 1781, executed an instrument of cession and restriction of the limits of this state, whereby they, While these opinions are thus decidedly express in the name of the people, and for and in behalf of ed by the legislature of Maryland,is it is to be reccol- the state of New-York, did, cede, transfer, and forlected that the congress of the United States has ever relinquish, to and for the only use and benefit uniformly, through a long series of legislation upon of such of the states, as are or shall become parties to this subject, acted upon a different principle; and the articles of confederation, all the right, title, interthat, hitherto, neither the executive officers of the est, jurisdiction, and claim, of New-York, to all lands general government, nor the legislatures of any of and territories to the northward and westward of the states, have ever expressed any doubt of its cor- the boundaries to which the said state is limited rectness. It is, therefore, with great diffidence, and restricted, to be granted, disposed of and apthat your committee presume to judge between |propriated, in such manner only, as the congress of the such high authorities, on a question of great mag-said United States shall order or direct." nitude, involving a claim, (as estimated in the report, on the authority of Dr. Seybert's accurate work on our statistics), of 9,370,760 acres, about a tenth of which would be allotted, should the claim be allowed, to the state of New-York.

The cession from the state of Virginia, October 20th, 1783, assigns to the United States "all right, title, and claim, as well of soil, as of jurisdiction," which that commonwealth had or claimed to the territory northwestward of the Ohio. The same In investigating the merits of such a question, strong and general language is used in the instruthe first reference is naturally to the very words of ment of cession of Massachusetts, April 19, 1785: the constitution. By article 4, section 3, of the in that of Connecticut, Sept. 1786; of South-Caroconstitution of the United States, "the congress lina, Aug 9, 1787, and in the articles of agreement shall have power to dispose of, and make all need-and cession, between Georgia and the United ful rules and regulations respecting the territory, or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular state."

Ample as are the powers thus conferred upon the national government,the reservation of state rights, ́is so express, as still to leave the question open to the consideration of all the claims arising from the manner in which these lands were originally obtained, and have since been disposed of.

States, 24th April, 1802.

The remaining public lands, being those in the territory west of the Mississippi, together with the southern parts of Mississippi and Alabama, were acquired by the United States, by the treaty and purchase of April, 1803.

Thus it seems manifest, that if the lands belong. ing to the United States, in their confederate and national character, are considered as held under the cessions of the several states formerly claiming them, they are then held by the general governThe controversy respecting the title to the lands, ment in full and absolute right, discharged from all not included within the actual boundaries of any of conditions, except those specific ones expressly rethe original states, arose soon after the declaration served in certain of the acts and instruments of of independence. While on the one hand, the cession; while, if these cessions are regarded mereUnited States claimed the property of the whole of ly as releases of doubtful claims, while the title in this territory as a common stock, to be parceled fact rests upon the prior right of the original conout, at proper times, into free and independent gov-federated states, to the territory acquired by their ernments," and many of the states urged, that "the arms, their blood, and their treasure, then, by arti waste and uncultivated territory, within the limits or the claims of certain states, ought to be appro

*Preamble to act of cession of N. Y.

cle 4, section 3, of the constitution, above cited, congress is empowered to dispose of this, in the same manner as of all other property belonging to the United States, with no other limitation than such as may be imposed by the sense of public duty and the general welfare.

since acquired by the United States. By these acts, a section of 640 acres is uniformly reserved and given in perpetuity for the support of schools in each township; and seven entire townships, containing each 23,040 acres, viz: two in Ohio, one in Michigan, one in Orleans, one in Illinois, one in Mississippi, and one in Indiana, have also been given in perpetuity, to seminaries of learning. This early, long continued, and undisputed practice, is surely a powerful argument to shew the real intent of all the original parties in the trust thus vested for the common benefit.

The policy of these reservations seems to include two points: 1. The increased value of the remain

this respect, reservations of school and college lots are, upon a large scale, what the reservations of public squares and walks, of lots for churches, markets, and public edifices, are in the plans of cities and villages. They are not gratuitously bestowed upon the inhabitants, nor is their value fost; but, on the contrary, they tend to increase the whole aggregate value far beyond their own proportion, and their price is more than paid in part of the purchase money of every private sale.

Like all other public property, these lands are indeed held as a trust for the common benefit of the states, or rather of the people of the United States; but of the mode of administering this common fund, and the objects to which it shall be applied, congress alone is entitled to judge. Undoubtedly, one of the most important objects of this trust was, as is expressed in the preamble of the act of this state authorising the cession, the aping lands, in consequence of the reservation. In propriation of a part of the waste and uncultivated territory as a common fund for the expenses of the war." Accordingly, from an early period, all the proceeds arising from the sales of public lands were appropriated and pledged solely to the redemption of the national debt. By the several acts of 1790, 1792, 1795, 1802, 1803, relating to the sinking fund, and the management of our national debt, and, finally, by that of 3d March, 1817, in which the former acts were revised and modified, all moneys arising from this source, are directed to be applied This policy, which, in an individual or a corpora. solely to this object, until all the debts of the Uni-tion, is considered not only liberal, but prudent, is ted States shall be fully discharged, not less so when it is applied to the management of Under these acts, between the years 1800 and our great national domain. Sagacious and provi 1819, upwards of 23 millions of dollars have been dent men, who had themselves experienced the received from this source, and applied to the ex-benefits of these establishments for public educatinguishment of our debt, while about an equal sum remains due and unpaid, pledged to the same fund. The system of disposing of these lands, under which the reservations now complained of were made, was originally settled by the "ordinance for ascertaining the mode of disposing of lands in the western territory," passed May 20, 1785, about the time when these several cessions, above enumera-dren would find a still ampler provision for educated, were either just made, or were under conside. ration, and while the whole subject of controversy was fresh in the minds of the nation, and of their delegates in congress. This, therefore, may be considered as a cotemporaneous exposition of the intention of all parties with relation to the object to which this general fund might justly be applied, as well as of the manner in which it might be administered with fairness and impartiality. This ordinance, after regulating the division of each town into 36 lots, expressly declares, that "there shall be reserved the lot No. 16, of every township, for the maintenance of public schools within the said township."

In a report of a committee of congress, consisting of Mr. Carrington, Mr. King, Mr. Duane, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Benson, July 23, 1787, which was accepted, and "referred to the board of treasury, to take order thereon," the board of treasury is instructed to contract with any person or persons for the sale of certain lands on the terms therein prescribed; among which it is provided, that the land shall be surveyed according to the land ordinance of May, 1785; "the lot number 16, in each township, to be given perpetually for the purpose contained in said ordinance,” i. e. to the use of schools in each township. The same reservations are directed in the powers given to the board of treasury, June 20, 1788, respecting sales, claims, and donations in Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan.

The system thus established, has been ratified by various acts under the new constitution, and especially by those of May 18, 1796; of May 10th, 1800, and of March 26th, 1804, and has been with some modifications, extended to all the public lands

tion, which the wisdom of their fathers had provi ded in many of the older states, might have reasona bly been deterred from emigrating to the new territory by the fear of depriving their families of similar advantages, had not these reservations given them the pledge that, in leaving the schools and public institutions of the Atlantic states, their chil

tion, which was to derive its value from the fruits of their own labor. This consideration probably did not enter into the mind of every purchaser; but, such has unquestionably been the effect of the system, thus inducing a readier sale, a higher price, and, from the character of those settlers who would be most attracted by these prospects, a more prompt payment. The reservations complained of, ought therefore to be regarded, not as a partial donation, but as a judicious arrangement, calculated and intended to increase the value of that "common fund held for the use and benefit of the several states."

2dly. There is yet another view of the subject, which, though it does not so directly meet the objections to the present land system, will not be overlooked or disregarded by the liberal and enlightened politician.

It is surely of the deepest interest to the welfare, the peace, and good order of the whole union, that the states every day springing up in the west, should not hereafter be peopled by a race possessing nothing of civilization, but its vices and its arts of destruction. This might not, indeed, have been the necessary consequence,had the general government neglected to make provision for the diffusion of knowledge among the future population of this great territory, but it is clearly so much within the bounds of probability as to authorise, and even to require a prudent and wise government to guard against so dangerous a contingency, not only for the sake of those immediately interested, but for the promotion of the best interests of the whole nation. The policy which looks with jealousy upon every appropriation, tending to promote the security and welfare of any portion of the country, as being a

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