Go to Manchester, to Liverpool, to Birmingham, to Bristol. Go to the metropolis of the richest nation in the world-the nation which also claims to be the most highly civilised; go to London. There put the question to the thousands of governesses out of place; to the thousands of seamstresses whose pallid cheeks and blistered fingers bear testimony alike to their poverty and their suffering; to the thousands of prostitutes who tread the pavements of the West-end, or roll along its crowded thoroughfares under the temporary shelter of a brougham. Penetrate into the heart of the City. Put the question to the thousands of poor creatures who have arrived at the 'last scene of all;' who, sans brougham, sans friends, sans bread, and sans everything which the virtuous and the unvirtuous alike value, tread the dirt and filth of Shoreditch and the Seven Dials to the grave. You will then find out--if not the field open to women-at least the ultimate sphere of a vast portion of the unfortunate creatures whom we educate in weakness, shut out from almost every profitable employment, seduce without punishment, and abandon under the sanction of the law.2

It would be a sad prospect for the future of society, if

closed after her, and no second Miss Garrett will be allowed to pass through it. And this is instar omnium. No sooner do women show themselves capable of competing with men in any career, than that career, if it be lucrative or honourable, is closed to them. A short time ago, women might be Associates of the Royal Academy; but they were so distinguishing themselves, they were assuming so honourable a place in their art, that this privilege also has been withdrawn. This is the sort of care taken of women's interests by the men who so faithfully represent them!'-Mr. Mill: speech in the House of Commons, May 20, 1867.

2 The subjoined statistical information, extracted from page 22 of the 'Seventh Annual Report of the Midnight Meeting Movement for Fallen Women,' is a striking confirmation of these views. All the assigned causes of fall may, we believe, be directly connected with

such a state of things could exist—if such a preponderance of suffering on the part of women as now presses them down in every country, civilised or uncivilised, were possible among a community which adjusted its social and national laws to affect equally both sexes. Happily, however, a great part of the evils which afflict mankind can be directly and distinctly traced to vicious institutions. In England, for example, we see activity, energy, perseverance, ability, in short, every quality which, in man, secures respect, comfort, dignity, independence,—in women so hampered by artificial restrictions, that they are utterly unable to move. Strong though they be, they are not strong enough. The intolerance of custom, like the Old Man of the Sea, clings a dead-weight.

The grasp
Lower and

is unrelaxing. Tighter and tighter it closes.
lower sinks the victim, who however anxious and able to
conquer ordinary difficulties, is unable to rise under so
heavy a burden.

Such is the position of woman. She is held back from
earning her independence. The universities are closed
to her.
The professions are closed to her. And so are
all those employments which experience has proved to be
the most profitable. But these restrictions are unmitigated
evils which oppress not alone single women who have no

the present system, while several of them (especially those numbered 1, 3, and 4) must be so connected :

'Number of fallen women admitted to homes in 1866

Assigned Causes of Fall.

1. Breach of promise of marriage

252

2. Inebriety or bad company

3. Destitution

4. Gaiety, love of dress, &c.

5. Depravity of employers

6. Various causes
7. Family severity

76

70

42

24

11

12

17

252

1

married brother or aged father on whom to depend: they oppress the whole sex.

One illustration will suffice. So long as women, unless they marry, are mostly dependent, and so long as they are unable, unless as governesses, to even inadequately provide for themselves, so long will they continue to marry for the sake of an establishment of some sort. But give scope to their energies and talents, permit them to become active and useful, do away with restrictions, and open up to them paths to remunerative labour, and there will be more marriages of the heart without any sacrifice of prudence. Many men who have more than enough to support themselves are anxious to marry. But they feel, without perhaps having any very clear notion of the circumstances under which marriage may be entered into with a proper regard to contingent responsibilities, that they cannot support a being who, on the present system, is utterly unable to assist them; and who, unless the natural goodness of her disposition has triumphed over the influence of her education, is necessarily indolent and apathetic, if not absolutely lazy. The case would be very different if women were accustomed before marriage to get their own living. Then, not only would habits of thrift, and industry, and perseverance be obtained-- habits of inestimable value in every sphere, and not least in the married; not only would quickness in adapting means to an end be the result of an education whose corner-stone was self-reliance; but the wives would be able, notwithstanding their other duties, to contribute their portion, if the smaller one, to the fund necessary to meet the common wants of husband, wife, and children-a true labour of love, and a noble one.

H

90

APPENDIX C.

SINCE this passage was written, (vide page 76,) a pro

House of Commons, to
On May 20, Mr. Mill

position has been made in the extend the suffrage to women. brought forward his amendment. The government had put a specific proposition before the house, and Mr. Mill only sought to apply that proposition to women on precisely the same terms as to men. He therefore proposed to substitute the word 'person' for the word 'man' in the several clauses of the reform bill. His amendment did not introduce the element of sex. "Whatever conditions are attached to the possession of the franchise, leave to operate impartially and without interference; make no exceptions; bestow the suffrage, whether on man or woman, wherever those conditions exist which you say constitute a qualification.'

It simply said,

Mr. Mill's speech was not exhaustive only perhaps because his subject, like all subjects, is inexhaustible. Besides, though the real issue is narrow, there are so many mis-named corollaries, that to satisfy the demands of all cavillers, as distinguished from objectors, would be to bury the subject under a mass of irrelevant matter. None the less, Mr. Mill's speech may be regarded as conclusive under the criticism of his opponents, Mr. Karslake, Mr. Laing, Mr. Onslow, and Lord Galway. Indeed, we feel bound to admit, that the unexpectedly large minority of

seventy-nine, including six pairs, which supported the motion, was partly owing to the almost incredible weakness and silliness of the opposition speeches. Whether the enfranchisement of women be, as we believe, just and expedient, or, as the Morning Herald insists--of course without condescending to argue the question-abhorrent to all humanity except a few splenetic individuals, it is certain that none of the opposition speeches added a single fact, argument, objection, or consideration of any kind, to the fund of information previously possessed.

We subjoin a list of the Minority which supported Mr. Mill's motion; and also a list, complete we believe, of the Petitions presented to parliament for the enfranchisement of women in the course of the present session: