Annual Register

Political Situation-Scattered elections-Liberal discouragement-Dissolution of Parliament-Mr. Gladstone's address-"Straits of Malacca "-Financial schemesNew elections-Resignation of Ministers-Mr. Disraeli's Cabinet-New Parliament -Speaker re-elected-Queen's Speech-Bengal Famine: Mansion House Fund: Lord Salisbury's speech-Arrival of Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh-Return of Ashantee Expedition-Ashantee War-Sir Garnet Wolseley's order to his troopsPlan of Campaign-Lord Gifford's advance-Futile negotiations--Battles of Amoaful and Ordahsu-Capture of Coomassie-Return march of British troopsSubmission of King Koffee Calcalli-Captain Glover's march-Captain Sartorius -Treaty of Peace-Rewards-Vote of thanks-English policy on Gold CoastMr. Hardy's speech on Army Estimates.

THE political prospects of the New Year were greeted by the public without strong excitement or ardour of party hostility. That a feeling of discontent with the Gladstone Ministry had been on the increase lately was very evident. Mr. Cardwell alluded to it, when, in a speech at the Oxford Druid dinner on New Year's Day, he expressed a hope that "the autumnal fog which had shrouded the Government had a little lifted," and that when Parliament met it would disappear. The recent scattered elections testified to it. In the History for 1873 we have noticed the frequent Conservative victories, against which the Liberals had only to set their successes at Bath and at Taunton. The Stroud election in January of the new year now came to swell the Opposition boasts. The vacancy was caused by the death of Mr. Winterbotham, who had held office in the Government: and the substitution for him of Mr. Dorington, the Conservative candidate, by a decisive majority, showed a great change in local feeling. An election contest at Newcastle, too, though it resulted in favour

of Mr. Cowen, the Radical nominee, was accompanied by circumstances which brought consolation to the defeated party.

The Premier was in some difficulty about his own seat at Greenwich. When, on occasion of the recent Ministerial changes, he shifted himself into the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, vice Mr. Lowe, he did not challenge again the votes of his constituents. This was taken up by his adversaries as an unconstitutional omission; and it was generally surmised that when Parliament met he would have to stand an inquiry which might endanger his position. Amidst the Government ranks it was well known that there existed discontent, and a failing in mutual cordiality, while the old allegiance to the chief had waxed very lukewarm. Still no violent or immediate crisis was apprehended, and the meeting of Parliament as usual on February 5, for its sixth and last natural Session, was looked forward to as a necessary and undoubted occurrence.

About the middle of January it was announced that the Premier was confined to his bed with a bronchial attack. He was well enough, however, a few days after to receive a deputation sent to elicit his opinion as to the extension of the county franchise, and to make a long speech in reply, the upshot of which was that he did not consider the country yet ripe for the proposed reform; but which, at the same time, indirectly conveyed, as many thought, the indications of his sympathy with the principle of the

measure.

The effect was like that of a thunderbolt falling from a calm empyrean, when, on the 24th, a long manifesto appeared in the public papers, signed with the Minister's name and addressed to his constituents at Greenwich, announcing that the present Parliament was to be dissolved, and a new one summoned to meet without delay. The reasons for this most unexpected proceeding were thus touched upon:

"In the month of March last the Government were defeated in their effort to settle upon just and enlarged principles the long disputed question of the higher education in Ireland, if not by a combined, yet by a concurrent, effort of the leader of the Opposition and of the Roman Catholic prelacy of Ireland. Upon suffering this defeat, the Government, according to the practice of our Constitution, placed their resignations in the hands of the Sovereign. Her Majesty, in the just and wise exercise of her high office, applied to the leader of the Opposition. He, however, declaring that he was not prepared with a policy, and could not govern in the existing Parliament, declined to fill the void which he had made. Under these circumstances, we thought ourselves bound by loyalty to the Queen not to decline the resumption of our offices. But this step we took with an avowed reluctance. We felt that, in consequence of what had happened, both the Crown and country were placed at a disadvantage, as it was established that, during the existence of the present Parliament,

one party only could govern, and must, therefore, govern without appeal. We also felt that a precedent had been set, which both diminished our strength and weakened the general guarantees for the responsibility and integrity of Parliamentary opposition.

"Of this diminution of strength we were painfully and sensibly reminded during the Session by the summary and rapid dismissal, in the House of Lords, of measures which had cost much time and labour to the House of Commons.

"But we remembered that in the years 1868 and 1870, when the mind of the country was unambiguously expressed, the House of Lords had, much to its honour, deferred to that expression upon matters of great moment; and I cannot doubt that it would have continued in this course, had the isolated and less certain, but still frequent and fresh, indications of public opinion at single elections continued to be in harmony with the powerful and authentic, but now more remote, judgment of 1868.

"This state of things, which was not satisfactory at the close of the last Session, and which has not admitted of remedy by the method of resignation and a change of Government, has not improved during the recess, especially the latter part of the recess; and the time has now arrived when the Administration, able to anticipate and survey the principal parts and the general character of the work which awaits it, has been called on to consider whether it could reasonably undertake such work without a fresh access of strength, and to frame its advice to Her Majesty accordingly.

"The question whether Ministers ought to retain or to abandon office should be decided by a general election, with the opportunity which it affords for broad declarations of policy and issues truly national, and cannot be satisfactorily solved by isolated contests, of which the issue is in a greater degree dependent on close discipline and finished and concentrated organisation.

"From a state of things thus fitful and casual, we desire to pass to one in which the nation will have had full opportunity of expressing will and choice as between the political parties. The Government of the day, whatever it be, will be armed with its just means of authority both within and without the Legislature. The Opposition will enjoy the power, and doubtless will not shrink from the duty, of taking office. The House of Commons will be reinstated in its full possession of Constitutional authority, and when it shall see cause to withdraw its confidence from an Administration, it will not leave the Sovereign without resource."

After reviewing the acts of the late Ministry, and claiming credit to it for the measures it had passed, Mr. Gladstone then dexterously threw out his bait for a renewal of confidence, in the shape of a diminution of local taxation and of an intended total repeal of the Income Tax, for which the surplus he should have to show of four millions, would afford justification. He said: "In 1842 the Income Tax was employed by Sir Robert Peel partly to cover a serious deficit in the revenue, but principally to allow of

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Annual Register, Volume 116