cessful, and to put an end to it the parliamentary army under Ireton laid everything waste. In his march of 150 miles from Limerick to Waterford, he passed through fertile districts of thirty miles together in which not a house or living creature was to 'be seen. When "peace' came in 1657, special licenses were issued by government to kill and dress sheep and lambs. There is one on record which permits the Widow Bulkeley, in consideration of her "ould Page and weakness of body, to kill and dress as much lamb as should be necessary for her own use and eating, not exceeding three lambs for a whole year." The last organ

ized force of the Irish had surrendered the previous year, and now came the plan of pacification. The pay of the English army was heavily in arrears, and it was resolved to satisfy the claims of both officers and men by grants of land to be taken from the Irish. The officers were very eager for this arrangement, as they wished to found families the men less so, but it was the best they could do; so they accepted.

The first thing to be done was to get rid of as many of the Irish as possible. Accordingly, the men were encouraged in every way to enter the service of Continental powers, and in the years 1651-54 34,000 embarked for Poland, France, and Spain, few or none of whom ever returned. Large numbers of the gentry at the same time emigrated voluntarily, whose descendants are still found in the O'Donnells and O'Reillys, and others, of Spain and Austria; and the MacMahons, Dillons, Reilles, Niels, and Cavaignacs (Kavanagh) of France. Orders were then issued by the Commissioners of Ireland to governors of garrisons, and keepers of jails, and masters of workhouses, and all other persons in authority, to deliver to agents of Bristol sugar merchants all able-bodied men in their charge, "marriageable women and not past breeding," and all persons without visible means of livelihood-in the then state of the country an enormous multitude-for transportation to the West Indies, to be employed in forced labor on the plantations. Many found their way, under similar contracts, to New England. Mr. Prendergast gives the names of the agents, and merchants, and dates of some of the largest contracts. Under this system, in the course of four years, 64,000 Irish men, women, boys, and girls were sent into slavery, and many of the women belonged to families of the better class whom the war had left destitute. In March, 1655, the order was revoked, and the trade ceased. In 1655, however, Jamaica having been conquered, and colonists and a garrison being wanted for it, Cromwell engaged 1,500 men of the English troops in Ireland to go there to settle, and ordered "1,000 Irish wenches"

to

be sent with them. Henry Cromwell, then commanding the forces in Ireland, answered that he would have to take the "wenches" by force, and suggested that from 1,500 to 2,000 boys, from twelve to fourteen years of age, should be sent out also. One thousand of each were accordingly sent, with the pious hope that they would be made "Christians" of in Jamaica.

In the meantime, the process of dividing the lands was going on actively. There was due to the "Society of Adventurers," or persons who had lent money to the government for the expenses of the war in Ireland, a sum of £360,000. This was paid off by liberal grants of land, drawn by lot at a public lottery held at the Grocers' Hall, in London, in July, 1653, in ten counties. The whole of the rest of Ireland-except the province of Connaught-was set apart for the payment of £1,550,000, due as arrears to the officers and soldiers, and of £1,750,ooo of floating debt, incurred by the government for supplies furnished during the war. On the 26th of September, 1653, all ancient estates and farms of the people of Ireland were declared to belong to the Adventurers and Army of England, and all Irish were ordered to "transplant" to Connaught a howling wilderness of bog and rock-with their families, before the first of May following, on pain of death if found east of the Shannon after that date, the trial to be by military commission.

The exceptions to this rule were the Irish wives of English Protestants embracing their husbands' faith; boys and girls, under fourteen, in the service of Protestants, and Irish Catholics who could offer satisfactory proof of having shown "Constant Good Affection" to the' Parliament as against the king during the previous ten years. The decree was an awful one, and it struck the unhappy people just as they were gathering in their harvest, and this the first tolerable harvest they had had since the war began. "Constant Good Affection" was almost impossible to prove, for mere passiveness would not support the plea. Moreover, the order covered not only the "Irish enemy," but the descendants of the English settlers of the Elizabethan period-men English in blood and speech and manners, the Comynses, Stackpoles, Morrises, Hamiltons, Fitzgeralds, Butlers, Plunkets, Cheevers, Barnewalls, Talbots, Archers, and Atkinsons, just as much as the Tooles, Donohoes, Mores, Kavanaghs, and Keoghs. It was just as hard for the one as the other to prove "Constant Good Affection," and their land was just as valuable. Among these unfortunates was William Spenser, the grandson of the author of the "Faerie Queene." Edmund, who was "the first settler," when he took his confiscated land, was as hard on

hides, the clothing, flannels and hats made from the farmers' wool, the beer,' ale, cider and vinegar made from his fruits and grains, and the shirts made from the planter's cotton, and the sugar and molasses from his canes, and the rice from his plantations, it is safe to say that 70 per cent. of the selling

SHOW US BOTH SIDES, MR. WELLS. The evils of Mr. Wells' management of the Statistical Bureau and Special Commission of the Revenue, were, first, that he ignored utterly the facts and statistics showing our rapid expansion of industries, and the growth of our internal commerce. He does not tell us how much our products of wool and woolens, of iron and steel and their manufactures, and of cotton goods, have expanded in quantity. We could never find out from him that Wisconsin is now producing forty times as much pig iron as in 1861; that the product of iron in the whole country had doubled; that woolen manufactures had doubled; or any other fact indicating an increase in our powers of production. All Protectionists concede that the effect of most tariffs or taxes of any kind is temporarily to raise the price of the thing on which it is levied, whatever that may be. The only difference in principle between the tariff on tea, coffee and tropical spices which the Free Traders approve and the tariff on iron, is that the former might continue a thousand years without stimulating the production of tea, coffee and spices in this country, and, consequently, without ever reducing their price. But on iron, cotton and woolen goods, every ounce of protection stimulates a pound of production, and this production not only affords a market for agricultural products, but tends to reduce the price. For instance, on the article of pig iron alone, our production has increased within ten years by 1,000,000 tons, which, at average prices, have sold for $32,000,000 in gold. Of this value, careful estimates have shown that 42 per cent. consists of the products of the farm consumed by the laborers employed in their manufactured state, to wit: meats, poultry, eggs, butter, cheese, lard, flour, corn, fruits, vegetables, feathers for beds, and if to this we add the farm products in a manufactured state, such as the boots and shoes made from the farmers'

products of the farm and plantation. There is no value in pig iron save that of the labor and capital invested in it, and of the cost of this labor 70 per cent. represents the consumption of the products we have named by the laborers employed in making it and by their families. Upon this calculation we find that the increase merely in the product of pig iron has increased an additional demand for $23,100,000 worth in gold of farmers' and planters' products, for which there would have been no American demand but for protection, Thus the mere increase, not the entire product, of the manufacture of pig iron, calls for agricultural products of more value than our entire export of wheat flour for the year ending in June, 1869, viz., $18,813,865.

Turning to cotton manufactures, we find our annual product in 1860, by the census, amounted in value to $117,581,231 in gold. In 1869 it is officially reported by the Association of Cotton Manufacturers at $287,147,000 in currency, which, with an average premium of 20 per cent., would be $239,289,167 in gold values. The increase in production is $121,707,926, or 103 per cent. in nine years, or at the rate of 125 per cent. in ten years, and this notwithstanding the enormous price of raw cotton during the war. Under the previous ten years of peace, the increase was only 86 per cent. If we suppose the difference only between the rate of increase under protection and the rate under a low tariff, viz., 39 per cent. to be due to the tariff, and make no allowance for the adverse influences of the war, higher cost of labor and generally increased cost of production, we find that in this increase of our cotton manufactures $47,466,091.14 must be credited to protection alone. In point of fact, every man of common sense knows that, without any protection, under the tremendous taxes and prices of the war, the cotton manufactures, instead of increasing 103 per cent., would have fallen far below their product in times of peace. But even on the above basis, supposing in like manner 70 per cent. of the cotton manufactures to represent products of the farm and plantation consumed in their production, and we find that the portion of the increase in our cotton manufactures under protection, in excess of what our increase would have been under free trade and no war, has increased the demand for agricultural products to the amount of more than $33,226,263.77, or more than

$10,000,000 more than our entire export of wheat.

It is the business of an officer of the government employment to discuss the effects of taxation' to give in full the credit as well as the debit side of every tax or tariff he discusses. In addition to giving in behalf of the Free Traders an argument showing that some goods might be had temporarily cheaper if the foreign article could be sold in this country free of all tax, a fact which no Protectionist would think it worth while to deny, the Commissioner is bound to show whether this is the whole effect of the tariff. For just here, where the free trade argument ends, the Protectionist begins. "We admit," says the Protectionist, "that a tariff, if it operates to protect the American market at all, does so by keeping the price temporarily higher than it would be if untaxed foreign products were let in free. But does it not rapidly develop production to the point where the competition between American producers lowers the price below what it would be if we were dependent on the foreign supply alone?" To follow this line of argument, Mr. Wells should inquire how far the tariff has increased the production, and how far the increase in production has lowered the price, of the particular product and has raised the worth of all other products. Numerous manufactories have been transferred in bulk, managers, capitalists, foremen, workmen, families, machinery and all, from Germany and England to America in consequence of the tariff. The American Lead Pencil Company, of Hoboken, N. J., is a transfer of this kind. We have heard of scores of others, but of not one through Mr. Wells. Transfers of foreign industry to this country escape his notice. He aims to bring their products here free of tax. Protection aims to induce the industries themselves to come here, where their workmen will increase our markets and consume our products.

In no instance is this one-sidedness of Mr. Wells better exemplified than in the recent report of the Democratic minority of the committee on manufactures, drawn up by him.

He argues that if the tariff were reduced on steel rails, we should get the whole 900,-. ooo tons of rails now needed of steel, and at $60 a ton. As they cannot be produced in this country at that price, he, of course, assumes that they will be imported, and says that it would be economy to buy up and destroy all the manufactories of steel rails in this country, rather than not have the foreign product free. He figures up the economy of the importing policy, thus:

If the 1,000,000 tons of rails which are this year to be laid down, either on new roads or in repair of old ones, could all be steel instead of iron, the cost of repairing them would be reduced from 10 per cent. to 3 per cent., and probably less, per annum; a differ

ence which, on the rails of this year alone, would make a difference of $4,200,000, to be saved as a proportional annuity, deducted from the cost of transportation charged upon the wealth of the country. Multiply this by yearly additions until the whole 55,000 miles of railroad track in this country is laid with a permanent steel track, as it certainly will be, with its 5,500,000 tons of rails, and the annual economy will be the difference between 10 per cent, and 3 per cent. on that amount, or 550,000 against 165 tons, at $60 ton, $23,100,000.

Now let us look at the economy of maintaining such a tariff on these rails as will cause them all to be made here. The 1,000,000 tons of rails per annum, at $60 per ton, if manufactured here, would require the consumption of $40,000,000 of American farm produce in their manufacture. If manufactured in England, they would require the same amount, but only one-tenth of it would come from the United States. $36,000,000 of American farm products is the difference between the demand which would be made by the policy of making our iron rails here, and that of making them abroad, even if we admit that Americans never could manufacture them as cheaply as the English. But should we reduce our cost of manufacture as low as that of England, our demand for farm products would be equally great, while Mr. Wells's vaunted economy in destroying American industries to patronize foreign, would wholly disappear. We should then save his $23,100,000 a year by the substitution of steel for iron rails, and, in addition, we should save $36,000,000 a year by putting American farm products into our rails, instead of the foreign.

DECLINE OF INDUSTRY IN ENGLAND.

Before us lies an able English pamphlet, entitled, "The present and long-continued stagnation of trade; its causes, effects and cure, being a sequel to an inquiry into the commercial position of Great Britain, etc., by a Manchester man," just published at Manchester and London, and running into several editions. It is one of the first sharp thunder-claps in a coming storm, the mutterings of which have for some time been rolling around the horizon of Aibion. It opens as follows:

The trade of this country has fallen into such a deplorable position that there is scarcely a single branch of it which does not leave a very heavy loss to the producers, and, consequently, little inducement for the investment of capital and the employment of labor; indeed, the amount of distress that at present pervades the industrial interests of this kingdom is truly deplorable, and the future appears still more clouded than the present.

The cause of such a state of things, I feel very sure, arises almost exclusively from foreign competi tion, which has increased to such an extent that, a few years since, would have been thought fabulous, and no doubt was not anticipated by the most acute politicians, a quarter of a century ago. It was then thought that, as manufacturers we reigned supreme and could defy all competition. However, experi ence has proved the reverse, and we now find that