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THE lesson which the friends of American

OUR MAGNIFICENT EXPORTS! mestic market for our farm products that The British customs report for 1869 shows we would scorn the thought of raising that the British islands imported last year wheat for Manchester in competition with the unprecedented amount of 79,914,055 naked Cossacks. And yet, instead of procwts. of wheat, each of 112 pounds, of moting a policy which would tend to build which the United States exported 13,181,507 up cotton manufactures in Illinois, twocwts., and Russia only 9,158,331 cwts. We thirds of her representatives in Congress have in these Western States 1,200,000 will vote next winter to break them down. farmers competing with each other and Nothing could more fully verify Carlyle's with the Russian serfs in raising wheat for statement that "America contains forty milthe lowest possible return of compensation lions of people, mostly"-statesmen and to the grower. It is only by raising it for a economists! less return than the Russian serfs would be willing to that we are able to sell this wheat cheaper and more of it in England than they. True, we have somewhat better machinery than they, but, even with those aids, is the competition a promising one? The writer hereof is one of these farmers, and knows whereof he affirms when he declares that not one-third of the wheat so exported paid for the cost of raising it. It is a losing business in the nature of things for the Illinois, Iowa or Minnesota farmer to raise wheat to send twelve hundred miles to a seaport and fifteen hundred by sea, and several hundred more by land on the other side of the ocean, there to be sold in competition with the crops of Russian and Hungarian serfs, whose rates of labor and of living are about one-sixth as expensive as those of an American farmer must be, in order to live decently. This whole export is a waste of land, of labor, and of resources. It is something of which we should be ashamed. The remedy for its unprofitableness does not consist in cheapening our means of transit for wheat to Liverpool. That will only more firmly rivet our bondage. The remedy lies in bringing the raw cotton of the Southern States up the Mississippi to Chicago, Elgin, LaSalle, Freeport, Rockford, Decatur, Burlington, and a hundred other points, and here manufacturing it into yarns, cloths, threads, and fabrics of every kind. This would quadruple the value we now get for our cotton crop; it would employ the youth of both sexes, and the weaker and lazier adults, who are not strong or hardy enough for farm drudgery, and who now flock into the cities to swindle or steal; it would employ the capital which is now occupied in speculating in values already created, when it ought to be employed in creating new values; it would increase the aggregate national earnings by an amount greater than our whole imports and exports combined; it would double the flow of immigration into the country, and convert it from an influx of unskilled paupers to one of skilled artisans and manufacturers; and, finally, it would enable the farmer of Illinois to sell his wheat on the stalk for twenty per cent. more than it now brings in Liverpool, instead of for sixty per cent. less. It would create so large a do

industry have to learn from the defeat of General Schenck, of D. J. Morrell, and of Mr. McCarthy in the Syracuse district, is that when the Free Traders have a certain job to do they have a formidable and effective way of going about it. They levelled their guns and issued their proclamations a year ago at these three members, and announced their determination that, come what might elsewhere, these were to be defeated. And they have done it. Yet every Protectionist knows that the use of sufficient energy on our part would have prevented it. Schenck is defeated by a trifling vote by Lewis D. Campbell, who was a Protectionist and Henry Clay Whig when he sat in Congress fourteen years ago. What he is now, after traveling the dubious path he has trod for the intervening period, we need not say. He has been KnowNothing, pro-Rebel, Unionist, Johnsonite, and now will help rake the free trade chestnuts out of the fire. Mr. Morrell is probably defeated, though whether his seat has been lost by a legal vote or a fraudulent Both these candione is not yet certain. dates were elected by a narrow majority at the previous election, and the districts are close. General Schenck would not perhaps have been elected before but for the unpopularity of his adversary-Vallandigham. And it still remains to be seen whether the illegal exclusion of the votes at the Soldiers' Home will not result in entitling him to his seat. We regret to lose his vigorous right arm in Congress, for it always struck from the shoulder. But it only remains for Protectionists to put their shoulders to the wheel and carry these districts next time. It can be done,

KANSAS.-In 1860 the population of Kansas was 107,204; the census just completed shows a population for 1870 of 359,349; an increase of 252,145 in ten years.

[blocks in formation]

Locks-door, chest, cup-
board and drawer.
Petroleum lamps,

Pumps

Pen-knives,

Rice-hullers,

Sewing machines,
Scissors,

Traps-rat, beaver and fox,Table ware,
Washing machines,

Watches-machine made,
Weighing machines.

Compare this state of our manufactures, especially as to cutlery, with that which prevailed in 1842, when Dr. Francis Wayland, in writing a free trade text-book on political economy, said:

We pay a heavy duty on cutlery in this country, while not a thousandth part of the cutlery used is It would be vastly cheaper to pay a

made here.

bounty sufficient to raise all the cutlery made in this
country to its present prices, and it would be, for
aught I see, just as good for the cutler."-Wayland's
Political Economy, Edition of 1842, page 140.

If the American people had listened to the
voice of this free trade philosopher in 1842,
ant supply of hardware and cutlery that
they would not have the cheap and abun-
they enjoy at this time, owing to the duty
which has been imposed upon similar goods
of English manufacture. Forty years ago
American hardware was almost unknown in
the trade, yet five-sixths of the consump-
.tion is now supplied by home industry.
American axes, shovels, spades, and hoes
have wholly taken the place of foreign
tools, and in cutlery of all kinds, table and
pocket, the medium American qualities
which are most suitable for popular con-
sumption, are cheaper and better than those
imported from abroad. English journals
admit the loss of this trade, and lament it as
a calamity. England would prefer to have
the American people still tributary to her
work-shops in Sheffield for knives, saws,
chisels and similar articles of common use.
In 1842 Wayland thought it ridiculous to
protect the American manufacturers of
results which he could not foresee, and
these goods, but the "high duty" produced
which his disciples declare to be impossible.
The effect of a protective tariff in cheapen-
ly illustrated than in the matter of cutlery:
ing commodities has never been more clear-

All of the foregoing appeared as Editorial Articles in

THE BUREAU:

A MONTHLY MAGAZINE,

DEVOTED TO THE

ommerce, Manufactures, and General Industries

OF THE UNITED STATES.

Three Dollars per Annum,

Single copies, 25 cents.

OFFICE, IOI AND 103 WABASH AVENUE, CHICAGO, ILL.

AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE RELATIONS OF THE WOOLLEN

MANUFACTURE.

AN ADDRESS

DELIVERED AT THE FAIR OF THE AMERICAN
INSTITUTE, NEW-YORK CITY,

OCTOBER 13, 1870.

Ord

BY JOHN L. HAYES, 1812-1387

SECRETARY OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF WOOL MANUFACTURERS.

CAMBRIDGE:

PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON.

THE SOLIDARITY OF THE INDUSTRIES

AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE RELATIONS OF THE WOOLLEN

MANUFACTURE.

An Address delivered at the Fair of the American Institute, New York City,
Oct. 13, 1870. BY JOHN L. HAYES.

IN presence of hese magnificent products of a diversified native industry, at the same time evidences of national progress and inspirations for higher achievements, it would be a waste of words to dwell upon the importance of sustaining upon our soil the general industry which has placed before our eyes these brilliant results. The duty of developing a national industry is not a question for argument; it is a sentiment like patriotism or filial love, and here, at least, we could find few who will not agree with the greatest of living geologists, Elie de Beaumont, that "of all the tendencies which occupy different civilized nations, the most marked is that of fixing upon their own territory all those branches of industrial activity which suit its soil, climate, and commercial position; and that government will most preserve the respect of neighboring nations, and show itself worthy of the respect of its people, which shall use all its means of action to favor with discernment this tendency." And few would refuse to partake of the "noble emulation of producing every thing," which the venerable Thiers says is possessed by all intelligent and free nations.

"What, then," says he, "are the nations which have sought to develop among themselves a national labor?"

"They are the nations which are intelligent and free. When the foreigner brings them a product, after they have found it serviceable, they desire to undertake it. The nations which do not have this desire are the indolent nations of the East; intelligent

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