from this piece, which is in two parts, (the former of which is entitled 'The First Part of the Contention of the two famous Houses of Yorke and Lancaster, with the Death of the good Duke Humphrey,' etc., and the latter, 'The true Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, and the death of good King Henrie the Sixt,') our Poet formed the two plays entitled 'The Second and Third Parts of KING HENRY VI.,' as they appear in the first folio edition of his works." Malone ascribed one of those parts thus boldly appropriated by Shakespeare, to Greene, and the other to Feele. This theory, wholly founded on supposed internal evidence which had escaped the sagacity of Shakespeare's own age, as well as of Rowe, Pope, and a long succession of the ablest English critics down to Hazzlit, and was rejected by Dr. Johnson, by Stevens and the German commentators, has since received more authority from the high sanction of Hallam, who, concurring with Malone as to the denial of Shakespeare's authorship of the greater part of these plays, pronounces them very justly to be "above the powers of Greene or Peele," and to exhibit “a much greater share of the splendid versification called by Jonson the mighty line of Christopher Marlowe." (Lit. of Europe, ch. v.) Drake, Chalmers, Singer, and several other editors and commentators, have adopted and given currency to this opinion; so that it appeared likely to become the prevailing editorial doctrine, until it was elaborately examined, and triumphantly refuted in a learned and acutely argued Essay, introductory to the Historical Plays, in Knight's "Pictorial" SHAKESPEARE. The ascription to others of plays which had been before the public during the whole of Shakespeare's dramatic career, and were published as his by those who had both acted and had a pecuniary interest in them; and this under the eye of contemporary authors and actors, without exciting a single direct denial or censure which has reached posterity, would seem to require the most clear and conclusive internal evidence to give it probability. Malone's argument is contained in a long dissertation, printed in the several Variorum editions of SHAKESPEARE. It is founded mainly, as relates to this first part, upon its dissimilarity of versification and phraseology to that of Shakespeare; and its resemblance in those things to the writings of Greene and Peele, etc.; upon the classical allusions and Latin quotations, too learned and too abundant for the unlettered Shakespeare; upon two or three slight historical inaccuracies or discrepancies with the other plays of this series; upon the use of Hall's chronicle as the historical authority, instead of Hollingshed, who is known to have been "Shakespeare's guide;” with some still slighter circumstances. Much of all this is groundless assertion, and the rest is founded on the uncritical assumption, that we are to judge of the authenticity of the Poet's works only from their congruity with the productions of his matured and practised mind. The dissimilarity of diction and rhythm only show, that these plays were not written by Shakespeare after he had learned to use his native language and its verse as a master and creator, and had impressed upon them his own genius, when that genius had been matured and developed by meditation and repeated exercise. They show that, like other great authors and artists, he first used the instruments of his art as he found them, before he remodelled them for grander and more exquisite purposes. They prove, what we know from positive external evidence, that these plays could not have been written by the Shakespeare of 1608 or 1610, while they are such as he might well have written in 1590, in his twenty-fifth year. The classical reading is not more abundant than we find it in several of his earlier plays, as, for example, in LOVE'S LABOUR'S LOST. The historical discrepancies are precisely such as are common in all prolific and rapid writers. The use of Hall at one time, and Hollingshed at another, would prove nothing; but the later plays show that though their author used the later historian, he had before used and consulted the older chronicler. But as this theory, groundless as it seems to me, has received high critical sanction, its details may demand a more minute examination,—which can best be given when taken in connection with Malone's theory and arguments as to the two succeeding parts of HENRY VI., and is therefore deferred to the Introductory Remarks on the third part. But, allowing Malone's argument its greatest force, the positive contemporary proof of authorship, as above stated, is far too strong to be overthrown by mere conjectural arguments. Besides this, the continuous connection of these parts with the undoubted histories, is a "tower of strength;" and when we regard this first part as Shakespeare's first effort, and that a youthful one, in historical tragedy,-bearing the same relation to HENRY IV. and RICHARD III., in style and vigour, that the Two GENTLEMEN OF VERONA does to his great poetical comedies, we shall find that the internal evidence corresponds perfectly with the positive external testimony to its authenticity. 149* 7 SCENE I.-Westminster Abbey. Dead March. Enter the Funeral of King HENRY the Fifth, attended on by the Duke of BEDFORD, Regent of France; the Duke of GLOSTER, Protector; the Duke of EXETER; WARWICK; the Bishop of Winchester; the Duke of SOMERSET; Heralds, &c. Bed. Hung be the heavens with black, yield day to night! Comets, importing change of times and states, And with them scourge the bad revolting stars, King Henry the fifth, too famous to live long! Glo. England ne'er had a king, until his time. Exe. We mourn in black: why mourn we not in blood? Henry is dead, and never shall revive. Upon a wooden coffin we attend; Win. He was a king, bless'd of the King of kings. His thread of life had not so soon decay'd: tector, And lookest to command the prince, and realm. Glo. Name not religion, for thou lov'st the flesh; And ne'er throughout the year to church thou go'st, Except it be to pray against thy foes. Bed. Cease, cease these jars, and rest your minds in peace! Let's to the altar:-Heralds, wait on us.- When at their mothers' moist eyes babes shall suck, Enter a Messenger. Mess. My honourable lords, health to you all. Bed. What say'st thou, man, before dead Speak softly, or the loss of those great towns These news would cause him once more yield the ghost. Exe. How were they lost? what treachery was us'd? Mess. No treachery; but want of men and money. One would have lingering wars with little cost; Let not sloth dim your honours new-begot: Ere. Were our tears wanting to this funeral, These tidings would call forth her flowing tides. Bed. Me they concern; regent I am of France. Give me my steeled coat! I'll fight for France.Away with these disgraceful wailing robes! Wounds will I lend the French instead of eyes, To weep their intermissive miseries. Enter another Messenger. 2 Mess. Lords, view these letters, full of bad mischance. France is revolted from the English quite, Exe. The Dauphin crowned king! all fly to him! Bedford, if thou be slack, I'll fight it out. Bed. Gloster, why doubt'st thou of my forwardness? An army have I muster'd in my thoughts, Enter a third Messenger. 3 Mess. My gracious lords, to add to your laments, Wherewith you now bedew king Henry's hearse, I must inform you of a dismal fight, Betwixt the stout lord Talbot and the French. Win. What! wherein Talbot overcame? is't so! 3 Mess. O, no! wherein lord Talbot was o'erthrown: The circumstance I'll tell you more at large. hedges, They pitched in the ground confusedly, Durst not presume to look once in the face. Bed. Is Talbot slain? then, I will slay myself, 3 Mess. O, no! he lives; but is took prisoner, And lord Scales with him, and lord Hungerford: Most of the rest slaughter'd, or took, likewise. Bed. His ransom there is none but I shall pay. The English army is grown weak and faint; And hardly keeps his men from mutiny, Exe. Remember, lords, your oaths to Henry sworn, Either to quell the Dauphin utterly, Or bring him in obedience to your yoke. Bed. I do remember it; and here take my leave, To go about my preparation. [Exit. Glo. I'll to the Tower, with all the haste I can, To view th' artillery and munition; And then I will proclaim young Henry king. [Exit. [Exit. Win. Each hath his place and function to attend : SCENE II.-France. Before Orleans. Flourish. Alarums; excursions; afterwards a retreat. Re-enter CHARLES, ALENÇON, REIGNIER, and others. Char. Who ever saw the like? what men have I! Dogs! cowards! dastards!-I would ne'er have But that they left me 'midst my enemies. Alen. Froissart, a countryman of ours, records, It sendeth forth to skirmish. One to ten! Char. Let's leave this town; for they are hair- And hunger will enforce them to be more eager: Enter the Bastard of Orleans. Bast. Where's the prince Dauphin? I have news for him. Char. Bastard of Orleans, thrice welcome to us. Hath the late overthrow wrought this offence? Enter CHARLES, with his Forces; Char. Mars his true moving, even as in the So in the earth, to this day is not known. Alen. They want their porridge, and their fat Either they must be dieted like mules, Talbot is taken whom we wont to fear: Char. Sound, sound alarum! we will rush on Now, for the honour of the forlorn French! Char. Go, call her in.-[Exit Bastard.]-But Reignier, stand thou as Dauphin in my place: Enter LA PUCELLE, Bastard of Orleans, and Reig. Fair maid, is't thou wilt do these wondrous feats? Puc. Reignier, is't thou that thinkest to beguile Where is the Dauphin?-Come, come from behind: ter, My wit untrain'd in any kind of art. |