sentence from being carried into execution; and that those who sent me here are the self-same parties that are the persecutors of our amiable, lovely, and brave Queen. You will say too, that if they wish it, they can condemn the Queen in the same way, without any evidence, or even without a hearing, and the people, although they abhor such injustice, will tamely look on upon a mock trial, supported by witnesses that would not be for one moment listened to, even on a question where the dispute was about five shillings, and all this, although nineteen twentieths of the people will not believe one word of this suborned testimony: nevertheless, if the accusers can get a court or a jury chosen by themselves, to say the word guilty, that then her degradation and punishment will follow in spite of any thing, and every thing, that can be done by the people.

I know this will be the language of many, but I entreat you, my faithful friends, and real lovers of justice, to mark well the difference of the two cases. Recollect, that when the reformers of Manchester were about to hold their memorable meeting on the 16th of August, they had nineteentwentieths of the public press of England decidedly hostile, not only to the meeting, but also to the object of the meeting, which they knew, or at least guessed, was for the purpose of obtaining universal suffrage; that when the meeting was over, and the sanguinary and murderous deed stared the public in the face, and that a great portion of the public press disapproved of those deeds, yet it covertly urged the Government to punish those who called and attended the meeting; it always pointed me out as a fit subject for the vengeance of the ministers, and many of those editors, who professed to abhor the bloody acts of the yeomanry, nevertheless unequivocally reprobated the ministers for not having put me down before. Although they contended that the meetings were legal, yet they urged the ministers to punish those who were the cause of such meetings being called, and they promised the government, whenever they would punish me, right or wrong, that they would support them and justify them in the act, however unjust or tyrannical it might be.

In this they acted for once consistently; for, although it would have been too barefaced to justify either the verdict, or the infamous sentence, yet they have taken special care never to write one line in reprobation of that sentence; when I say they I mean the daily London press, and I am quietly placed here for two years and six months, in opposition to the honest judgment of nineteen twentieths of the people, and with the full conviction that the verdict against me was an unjust verdict, obtained by a packed jury, and that the sentence was a cruel, vindictive, and unmerited sentence.

Now, mark well the difference between my case and that of the Queen. The Queen, from the first, has had ninetenths of the public press of England decidedly in her favour; and since the outrageous and barefaced ill treatment which she has experienced she has not only nine-tenths of the public press in her favour, she has not only all the honest and impartial portion of the press in her favour, but she has ninety-nine hundredths of the talent belonging to the whole press of England manfully, boldly, and honestly, advocating her cause, and exposing the villany of her accusers; in fact, she has only opposed to her the dirty, grovelling, dastardly Courier, the Mock Times, and the dull, contemptible, worn-out, woe-begone Morning Post, with about as many dirty, petty, underling, hirelings in the country. Only think of the power and the talent of the Times, Morning Chronicle, British Press, London Morning daily papers; and the Traveller, the Statesman, the Star, and the Globe, London daily Evening papers. Only think, my friends, of the combined power and talent of all these London daily papers: the Queen has all these decidedly in her favour! Why, the power and talent of the Times alone; is more than treble in weight and influence to all that they can muster against her. Then there are all the Sunday papers of any character or talent;-there are the Examiner, the News, the Observer, the Champion, &c. Then there are all the radical weekly unstamped publica-tions; there is Cobbett's Register and Wooler's Dwarf, and these two are a host in themselves! You will say that the Reformers always had their support. It is very true; but we had never the mighty combination of talent and intellect that is now united in one invincible phalaux in the support of the Queen. In reality, she has all the talent and integrity in the country that is worth having; and in consequence of this daring attempt to injure and blast her fair fame by the the means secret inquisition, appointed by her accusers themselves, and of the last act of cruel and barefaced injustice, in refusing her a list of the infamous wretches who are to be dragged forward to appear against her, every honest man, and every virtuous woman in the United Kingdom; every one, in truth, who is not paid and hired by her accusers, have enrolled themselves in her irresistible ranks; whose numbers are such that they cannot be described by any other name but that of LEGION.

And, in God's name, who is there opposed to her? Why, first and foremost, and mark him well, is LORD ELDON, the Lord High Chancellor of England, the keeper of the King's conscience; a man who has risen from the humble ranks, his father being a coal merchant. There stands next the EARL OF LIVERPOOL, and who is he? Why, forsooth, the son of old Jenkinson, a low-bred attorney. Next comes

my LORD CASTLEREAGH, from Ireland, and who is he? Why, the grandson of a Scotch pedlar. Then comes the Gaoler General of England, the saintly LORD SIDMOUTH, and who is he? Why, the son of old Dr. Addington, of Reading. And, last, though not least, comes the Mountebank of the Honourable House, and who is he? Ah! my friends, who is he, indeed! that's a secret worth knowing! because nobody can possibly inform us, not even Madam Hunn herself; but this we know that he is the son of Mother Hunu, a low-bred actress, who did not figure above a third-rater, even in that profession, And these terrible high-bred gentry are the lofty, noble-minded persons who charge her Majesty with the crime, and this is one of the greatest crimes they will ever be able to prove against her, "of having promoted Mr. Bergami, who was a courier, to the honour of being her Majesty's Chamberlain, and having conferred upon him some order and some title." This charge is surely the greatest libel against the late and present King of England that was ever preferred against royalty; for, if it be a crime for a royal personage to raise low-bred, low-born beings into power, and to trust, and to dub them with titles and orders, what will be said of George the Third, for raising these low-born gentry into place and power, and granting them titles. What must be said of him, for bestowing upon them orders of the Garter, &c. &c.

!

But to be brief, the Queen has not only invaded the Capital, and taken possession of the people's hearts, but she has actually gained a decisive victory, by bringing the ministers' noses to the grindstone. She has made them chastise the wayward child, and take away his rattle from him; or, to speak plain, she has compelled them to abandon the Coronation. This is, indeed, a proof of what the united voice of a people can accomplish. The Ministers, although reluctantly, have been compelled to abandon the puppetshow that they had provided for their master and John Gull! Be ye, therefore, united, my friends; keep a steady eye upon the motions of my Lord Eldon, who, it is said, has made a million and a half of money, since he has held the office of Keeper of the King's conscience. This immense sum must, though in a circuitous way, and, no doubt, quite according to law, have come out of the pockets of the poor suitors of the Court of Chancery, mostly consisting of infants, widows, bankrupts, and lunatics. I say, therefore, let the people of England keep their eye steadily fixed upon the Lord Chancellor, who has put himself at the head of the Queen's accusers, and who is the principal stickler against granting her a list of the witnesses intended to be brought forward for the purpose of criminating her.

-

The commencement of the trial, if it may be called a trial,

will take place in the House of Lords on the 17th day of August, the day following the Anniversary of the bloody deeds at Manchester. When that day comes, I am credibly informed that her Majesty will meet her accusers face to face; she will go down to the House of Lords, accompanied with the blessings, the prayers, and the good wishes, of millions, and she will be attended and protected thither and back, by myriads of her faithful and warm-hearted subjects ; she, like her predecessor Queen Elizabeth, will require no hired guards; her whole people of the metropolis will turn out to protect her, and to defend her against the intentions of her hired traducers.

And here, my worthy Friends, is again a great contrast between the Queen and any other subject; no seditious meeting act can apply to her, no multitude, however numerous, can be deemed seditious from its numbers, or any other cause; no riot, no tumult, no blood, will be spilt upon this occasion; no troops will be called out upon that day, and, if they were, I have no hesitation in saying, that I do not believe there is a single soldier in the army that would raise a finger, and much less a sword, either against their lovely Queen or any of her friends and supporters. In fact, throughout the army, from north to south, from east to west, I have it from all quarters that the watch word of the loyal military is, "God save the Queen!" Let me caution my Lord Eldon, who is a long-headed, sensible man, how he sanctions the calling out of Troops upon this occasion, for I say the Queen will want no other Guards but her faithful Citizens; should she, however, want any, 1 have no doubt but she will have the hearts of the British soldiers. Perhaps even the existence of a second Quiroga is a thing. which is not impossible?

Well, my friends! the Sixteenth of August, the day of wanton blood-spilling, is fast approaching, and I am happy to hear that you are preparing to commemorate the Anniversary of that fatal day with a solemnity becoming the occasion; that you mean to make it a day of rest, of fasting, and of prayer, I have procured, from my worthy friend BAMFORD, a Hymn to be sung on that melancholy day, by those who are sincere Reformers, which will be inserted with this letter. It will be very proper to be chaunted over the graves of those who were murdered on that never-to-beforgotten day. I hope that all the Reformers of Oldham will take their children to the grave of poor LEES, and impress upon their young minds the baseness and wickedness of the way in which he was murdered. Those who have no other mourning, will do well to wear a piece of crape on that day. Meet together, and arrange among yourselves the best means of raising and securing a permanent fund for reform;

And

my LORD CASTLEREAGH, from Ireland, and who is he? Why, the grandson of a Scotch pedlar. Then comes the Gaoler General of England, the saintly LORD SIDMOUTH, and who is he? Why, the son of old Dr. Addington, of Reading. And, last, though not least, comes the Mountebank of the Honourable House, and who is he? Ah! my friends, who is he, indeed! that's a secret worth knowing! because nobody can possibly inform us, not even Madam Hunn herself; but this we know that he is the son of Mother Huuu, a low-bred actress, who did not figure above a third-rater, even in that profession, these terrible high-bred gentry are the lofty, noble-minded persons who charge her Majesty with the crime, and this is one of the greatest crimes they will ever be able to prove against her, "of having promoted Mr. Bergami, who was a courier, to the honour of being her Majesty's Chamberlain, and having conferred upon him some order and some title." This charge is surely the greatest libel against the late and present King of England that was ever preferred against royalty; for, if it be a crime for a royal personage to raise low-bred, low-born beings into power, and to trust, and to dub them with titles and orders, what will be said of George the Third, for raising these low-born gentry into place and power, and granting them titles. What must be 'said of him, for bestowing upon them orders of the Garter,

&c. &c.

But to be brief, the Queen has not only invaded the Capital, and taken possession of the people's hearts, but she has actually gained a decisive victory, by bringing the ministers' noses to the grindstone. She has made them chastise the wayward child, and take away his rattle from him; or, to speak plain, she has compelled them to abandon the Coronation. This is, indeed, a proof of what the united voice of a people can accomplish. The Ministers, although reluctantly, have been compelled to abandon the puppetshow that they had provided for their master and John Gull! Be ye, therefore, united, my friends; keep a steady eye upon the motions of 'my Lord Eldon, who, it is said, has made a million and a half of money, since he has held the office of Keeper of the King's conscience. This immense sum must, though in a circuitous way, and, no doubt, quite according to law, have come out of the pockets of the poor suitors of the Court of Chancery, mostly consisting of infants, widows, bankrupts, and lunatics. I say, therefore, let the people of England keep their eye steadily fixed upon the Lord Chancellor, who has put himself at the head of the Queen's accusers, and who is the principal stickler against granting her a list of the witnesses intended to be brought forward for the purpose of criminating her.

The commencement of the trial, if it may be called a trial,