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to pursue the inquiry further. This was a small manuscript of William Lambarde's; a kind of law commonplace book; written, 1 should suppose, in his own hand, but not being then familiar with his handwriting I cannot state that as a fact. The first article in this volume is the first draft (apparently) of the “ Discourse of the Office for the Composition of Alienations;" at the beginning is written the date “ October, 1590," and at the end a note “Look the enlarged copy hereof in 4to, which was done in November, 1595.” The signature (which is inserted both at the head and foot) is written in some fanciful character, and I cannot undertake to interpret all the letters. It looks like Willeham Lamperse. But this I leave for those to settle whose business is with Lambarde : it is enough for me to resign all pretensions on the part of Bacon to the authorship of this tract; which otherwise would have come in here.

The letter which comes next in date recalls us to the affairs of the Earl of Essex; whom we left in a state of partial recovery from his last and most serious fit of disgust; again in attendance at Court and Council, and received by the Queen ; but upon the new and indigestible condition of giving instead of receiving satisfaction, making submissions instead of extorting boons. But to understand the case to which this letter refers, we must go back to the treaty concluded in April, 1598, with Tyrone.

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TYRONE had broken faith so often and so often received pardon upon promise not to break it again, that he had come at last to regard both as matters of course. This last treaty, not being backed by preparations for effectual chastisement in case of breach, appears to have been simply ignored. What pretexts he alleged we are not informed. Moryson only says, " Tyrone wanted not pretences to frustrate the late treaty, and to return to his former disloyalty; and the defection of all other submitties depending on him followed his revolt.” And certainly his engagement to repair the fort of Blackwater and furnish the garrison with victual can hardly have been two months old, when having in vain tried to take it by assault he was proceeding to reduce it by famine.

It was in marching to the relief of the brave little band who held it, that the English first learned how rapidly the natives were improving in the art of war;-a lesson which England has had to learn many times since in many parts of the world by the same kind of teaching. The siege had lasted so long that the garrison were feeding on the vegetation of the walls and ditches, when Sir Henry Bagnall, Marshal of Ireland,“ with the most choice companies of foot and horse troops of the English army," was sent to relieve them. Having to pass among hills, bogs, and woods, the force got separated, and Tyrone taking his advantage, charged the foremost body, killed the Marshal, and in the end gained a complete victory. Thirteen captains and fifteen hundred soldiers were slain on the field, and the rest fell back upon Armagh ; whereupon the garrison, having first learned that there was no further hope of succour, yielded up the fort.

“By this victory"--which happened on the 14th of August—"the rebels” (says Moryson) “got plenty of arms and victuals ; Tyrone was among the Irish celebrated as the deliverer of his country from thraldom, and the combined traitors on all sides were puffed up with

Moryson, p. 24. The date of the assault is not given either by him or Camden.



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intolerable pride. All Ulster was in arms, all Connaught revolted, and the rebels of Leinster swarmed in the English pale : while the English lay in their garrisons, so far from assailing the rebels, as they rather lived in continual fear to be surprised by them.” In October Munster followed the example.

After this, it was clear that the case of Ireland could no longer be allowed to wait upon Court quarrels. The Council had recently suffered a great loss both in brains and heart by the death of Burghley a fortnight before. Sir Robert Cecil's abilities, though great, were not of that simple and direct kind which gives a natural ascendency and authority in council; nor was he perhaps altogether the man to deal with such a problem as Ireland now presented, if he had been left to himself. Ralegh, who had all the faculties for it, is for some reason or other not heard of at this juncture. I fancy he kept aloof, knowing that such a business could not be undertaken with any chance of success, except by a man who had the advantage both of popularity in the country and a commanding party in Court and Council: and he had had taste enough of Essex's disposition towards rivals in general and himself in particular, to know what sort of support he was likely to receive from a Council swayed by him. Essex himself was as yet in no humour to help, thongh still powerful to hinder. He had refused to give counsel when last called to the Lord Keeper, unless he might be first heard by the Queen herself. On hearing of the disaster of Blackwater he had posted up and made offer of his advice, but only (it seems) on the same condition. And though he succeeded in obtaining access in the course of the next month, it was not till after the 18th of October (according to Camden's account) that “ he became more submiss, and obtained pardon; and was received again of her into favour."


Of the occasion and process of his recovery I find no news. But I am inclined to think that a second blow of ill luck in Ireland had something to do with it. On the 29th of August, a fortnight after the Blackwater disaster, we learn from Chamberlain that he was still out of favour, “though he had relented much and sought by divers means to recover his hold: but the Queen said he had played long enough upon her, and that she meant to play awhile upon him, and to stand as much upon her greatness as he had done upon his stomach."On the 12th of September (as I learn from a letter of Toby Matthews), he saw the Queen for the first time since the quarrel, and See his own Letter, printed in the Lives of the Earls of Essex,' i. 496.

3 S. P. O., 15th Sept., 1598.

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was supposed to be in favour again. Yet the reconciliation cannot have been a very sound one ; for the letter of remonstrance addressed to him by Egerton and his reply (18th October) show that the old wound was still as sore as ever, and that he was then standing on terms little short of defiance.

Now it must have been about this time that the case of Ireland assumed a new aspect. Upon news of the death of Sir Henry Bagnall at Blackwater, Sir Richard Bingham—"a man,” says Camden,“ of all others the most valiant and fortunate against the rebels ”—had been sent over to take his place as Marshal of Ireland and General of Leinster. But Sir Richard had hardly arrived in Dublinwhen he died. This was another great loss to the government and great encouragement to the rebellion, which was rapidly spreading on all sides. The reconquest of Ireland became now the main problem of the time, and could only be accomplished by a strong effort and a large army. Whoever commanded that army would be the chief man of the day; would draw the eyes of all soldiers upon him while the action was in progress, and if he succeeded, would have done a much greater thing than the capture of Cadiz. Now it must be confessed that if Essex could be content to see any one else in such a position as that, he was within the last twelvemonth a much altered man; and I cannot help suspecting that it was this apprehension which overcame his disgusts and induced him to make the necessary submission. Certain it is that only two days after the date of that letter to Egerton, - a letter breathing of anything but submission,-a report was abroad that he meant to take the charge of Ireland upon himself; and from that time the rumour which had previously assigned it to Lord Montjoy died away. The following extracts from Chamberlain's letters to Carleton will best show the condition of popular expectation on the subject.

Oct. 20. “ The state of Ireland grows daily di mal in peggio. Some think the Lord Montjoy shall be sent thither deputy ; others say the Earl of Essex means to take it upon him, and hopes by his countenance to quiet that country. Marry, he would have it under the broad seal of England that after a year he may return when he will.”

Nov. 8. “It is generally held that the Earl of Essex shall go to Ireland towards the spring, and Lord Montjoy as his deputy, with divers other young lords,” etc.

Dec. 8. "The Earl of Essex's journey to Ireland is neither fast nor loose, I Privy Seal, dated Greenwich, August 31, 1598. See R. Lascelles’s ‘Liber Munerum.'

2 Patent as Marshal, dated Dublin, 13th October, 1598.—Ib. The exact date of his death is not stated. Camden says, “ Statim atque appulit Dubliniæ diem obiit."

by reason the proportions are daily clipt and diminished. For eight or ten days the soldiers flocked about him, and every man hoped to be a Colonel at the least."

Dec. 20. “From Friday the 15th to Sunday the 17th it held fast and firm that the Earl of Essex was to go, and all things were accordingly settled and set down: but a sudden alteration came on Sunday night, the reason whereof is kept secret."

Jan. 3. “The word is come about again for Ireland; and the disgust that made stay of the Earl's going for awhile is sweetened and removed."

Jan. 17. "The Earl's going to Ireland is deferred from February to March."

March 1. "My Lord of Essex, much crossed, does not succeed: new difficulties arise daily about his commission, as touching the time of his abode, his entertainment, and disposing of offices ; his Lordship so dissatisfied that it is doubtful whether he will go."

It is clear therefore that from the time he reappeared at the councilboard and took the matter up, no one but himself was spoken of for the appointment, and that the delays arose not from the pretensions of any competitor or from any hesitation in himself, but from the difficulty of satisfying him as to the conditions. The truth is, be found that if he held out longer the service would be committed to another man. While he was still nursing his grievance and refusing to attend, Lord Montjoy had been fixed upon;' a man singularly qualified for the office, as appeared afterwards; and one also whom Essex (ever since he quarrelled and fought with him, some ten years before, for wearing a Queen's favour in the tiltyard) had reckoned among his friends. But it was now some time since Essex had been able to continue on terms of friendship with any man who stood in a position to be in any way his competitor; and all accounts agree? that it was by his influence that the nomination of Montjoy was cancelled and the task laid



? "When the Earl of Essex went Lord Lieutenant into Ireland, the Lord Montjoy was first named to that place ; whereupon by my brother sir Richard Moryson's inwardness with him, I then obtained his Lordship’s promise to follow him into Ireland.”—Morysow, p. 84. It is clear therefore that the selection of Lord Montjoy was more than a rumour.

? It may be enough to cite three ; Camden's, Fynes Moryson's (whose subsequent intimate relation with Montjoy gives an independent value to his evidence, though in this part of the story he only repeats and confirms Camden), and Essex's own.

"The Queen” (says Camden) “and most of the Council cast their eyes upon Charles Blunt, Lord Montjoy. But the Earl of Essex covertly signified unto them that he was a man of no experience in the

wars, save that he had commanded a company in the Low Countries and Little Britain ; that he was a man of a small estate, strengthened with very few followers and dependants, and too much drowned in book-learning, That into Ireland must be sent some prime man of the pobility,

...80 as he seemed to point with the finger to himself. Insomuch as the Queen was now resolved to make him Lord Deputy of Ireland and General of the Army; which notwithstanding he made show to refuse, praying her to bestow so

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