and forgotten impositions, which in this case (as by way of comparison) it is necessary you understand; but because speech in the House is fit to persuade the general point, and particularity is more proper and seasonable for the committee.

Neither will I make any observations upon her Majesty's manner of expending and issuing treasure, being not upon excessive and exorbitant donatives, nor upon sumptuous and unnecessary triumphs, buildings, or like magnificence; but upon the preservation, protection, and honour of the realm: for I dare not scan upon her Majesty's actions, which it becometh me rather to admire in silence, than to gloss or discourse upon them.1 Sure I am that the treasure that cometh from you to her Majesty is but as a vapour which riseth from the earth and gathereth into a cloud, and stayeth not there long, but upon the same earth it falleth again and what if some drops of this do fall upon France or Flanders? It is like a sweet odour of honour and reputation to our nation throughout the world. But I will only insist upon the natural and inviolate law of preservation.

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It is a truth, Mr. Speaker, and a familiar truth, that safety and preservation is to be preferred before benefit or increase, insomuch as those counsels which tend to preservation seem to be attended with necessity, whereas those deliberations which tend to benefit seem only accompanied with persuasion. And it is ever gains and no loss, when at the foot of the account there remains the purchase of safety. The prints of this are everywhere to be found. The patient will ever part with some of his blood to save and clear the rest. The seafaring man will in a storm cast over some of his goods to save and assure the rest. The husbandman will afford some foot of ground for his hedge and ditch to fortify and defend the rest. Why, Mr. Speaker, the disputer will if he be wise and cunning grant somewhat that seemeth to make against him, because he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion, and the better maintain the rest. But this place advertiseth me not to handle the matter in a commonplace. I will now deliver unto you that which upon a probatum est hath wrought upon myself, knowing your affections to be like mine own."

1 Originally, "to gloss upon, though with never so good a meaning." The last clause has a line drawn through it, but is restored in the margin by another and later hand. I think it was meant to be struck out.

2 The last clause is inserted in the margin in Bacon's hard, and stands thus :

There hath fallen out since the last parliament four accidents or occurrents of state, things published and known to you all, by every one whereof it seemeth to me in my vulgar understanding that the danger of this realm is increased; which I speak not by way of apprehending fear, for I know I speak to English courages, but by way of pressing provision. For I do find, Mr. Speaker, that when kingdoms and states are entered into terms and resolutions of hostility one against the other, yet they are many times refrained from their attempts by four impediments.

The first is by this same aliud agere; when they have their hands full of other matter which they have embraced, and serveth for a diversion of their hostile purposes.

The next is when they want the commodity or opportunity of some places of near approach.

The third, when they have conceived an apprehension of the difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise, and that it is not prepared to their hand.

And the fourth is when a state through the age of the monarch groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great peril and motion, and this dull humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns.

Now if it please you to examine whether by removing the impediments in these four kinds the danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us, by accidents, as I said, fresh and all dated since the last parliament.

Soon after the last parliament you may be pleased to remember how the French king revolted from his religion, whereby every man of common understanding may infer that the quarrel between France and Spain is more reconciliable, and a greater inclination of affairs to a peace than before: which supposed, it followeth Spain shall be more free to intend his malice against this realm.

Since the last parliament, it is also notorious in every man's knowledge and remembrance that the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that avenue and place of approach for England, which was never in the hands of any king of Spain before, and that is Calais; which in true reason and consideration of es

"knowing yo' affections to be like myne own yor judgmts," as if he had meant to add something more and been interrupted, the last words being written in great haste.

tate of what value or service it is I know not, but in common understanding it is a knocking at our doors.

Since the last parliament also that ulcer of Ireland, which indeed brake forth before, hath run on and raged more, which cannot but be a great attractive to the ambition of the counsel of Spain, who by former experience know of how tough a complexion this realm of England is to be assailed; and therefore (as rheums and fluxes of humours) is like to resort to that part which is weak and distempered.

And lastly, it is famous now, and so will be many ages hence, how by these two sea-journeys we have braved him and objected him to scorn, so that no blood can be so frozen or mortified but must needs take flames of revenge upon so mighty disgraces.

So as this concurrence of occurrents, all since our last assembly, some to deliver and free our enemy, some to advance and bring him on his way, some to tempt and allure him, some to spur on and provoke him, cannot but threaten an increase of our peril in great proportion.

Lastly, Mr. Speaker, I will but reduce to the memory of this house one other argument for ample and large providing and supplying treasure, and this it is:

I see men do with great alacrity and spirit proceed when they have obtained a course they long wished for and were refrained from. Myself can remember, both in this honourable assembly and in all other places of this realm, how forward and affectionate men were to have an invasive war. Then we would say, a defensive war was like eating and consuming interest, and needs would we be adventurers and assailants. Habes quod tota mente petisti: shall we not now make it good? especially when we have tasted so prosperous fruit of our desires.

The first of these expeditions invasive was achieved with great felicity, ravished a strong and famous port in the lap and bosom of their high countries, brought them to such despair as they fired themselves and their Indian fleet in sacrifice, as a good odour and incense unto God for the great and barbarous cruelties which they have committed upon the poor Indians, whither that fleet was sailing, disordered their reckonings, so as the next news we heard of was of nothing but protesting of bills and breaking credit.

The second journey was with notable resolution borne up

against weather and all difficulties, and besides the success in amusing him and putting him to infinite charge, sune I am it was like a Tartar's or Parthian's bow, which shooteth backward, and had a most strong and violent effect and operation both in France and Flanders, so that our neighbours and confederates have reaped the harvest of it, and while the life-blood of Spain went inward to the heart, the outward limbs and members trembled and could not resist. And lastly, we have a perfect account of all the noble and good blood that was carried forth, and of all our sea-walls and good shipping, without mortality of persons, wreck of vessels, or any manner of diminution. And these have been the happy effects of our so long and so much desired invasive war.

To conclude, Mr. Speaker, therefore I doubt not but every man will consent that our gift must bear these two marks and badges, the one of the danger of the realm by so great a proportion since the last parliament increased, the other of the satisfaction we receive in having obtained our so earnest and ardent desire of an invasive war.

2.

The Earl of Essex returned to Court from his island voyage on the 29th of October.1 A week after, we hear that "for himself he is already disquieted, keeps in, and went not this day to the Parliament." It was the beginning of another fit of discontent, which was to last nearly two months.

The reason was partly no doubt the reception which his last service met with from the Queen, who was (very naturally, I think) but ill satisfied with his management of it. But he had other griefs which he could still worse endure. In his absence Sir Robert Cecil had been made Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; and on the 23rd of October, "as the Queen came from the chapel, she created my Lord Admiral Earl of Nottingham..... Her Majesty made a speech unto him in acknowledgment of his services, and Mr. Secretary read the letters patents aloud, which were very honourable all his great services recited in anno 88, and lately at Cales. He was to take his place ut Comes de Nottingham, for so were the words in his patent." This Lord Admiral was Charles Baron Howard of Effingham; a man more than twice as old as Essex, who had never been a Id. ii. 70.

1 Sydn. Pap. ii. 74.

2 Id. ib.

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his enemy, who had done good service and held high offices in peace and war before Essex was a man, and was now too old for active work at sea. It seems strange that a man who had any real nobleness of nature (as Essex certainly had) should have looked upon the honouring of such a person only as a wrong to himself: stranger still, that at the distance of two hundred and fifty years, admiring biographers should repeat the complaint and parade the injury, without seeing what an unworthy thing they are making of him. About the fact however I fear there is no doubt. Such imputations, when they only rest on popular report, I am apt enough to discredit. Friends as well as enemies impute to others the feelings which in like circumstances would have been their own. And the offence which Essex is reported to have taken at Sir Robert Cecil's appointment, has I dare say no better foundation. But in the case of the Lord Admiral the trial was harder and the evidence is more circumstantial. His elevation touched Essex personally in two points. The glory of the Cadiz action was regarded by him as his own exclusive property. It was true that Effingham, being commander-in-chief by sea, held an equal position and in a victory by land and sea forces combined, the honour would naturally be shared equally by both: which the patent expressed. Nevertheless, in popular opinion and in his own, Essex had been the sole hero of that victory; and all that the others had done was to hinder him from following it up by capturing the treasure-fleet on its return; so that to attribute to the Lord High Admiral a joint share in the action, was to cancel half his property in it. But besides this, the patent involved by consequence a question of precedency. By the 31 Hen. VIII. c. 10, certain officers, among whom was the Lord High Admiral, took precedence of all other personages of the same degree. Consequently the Lord High Admiral, who while he was a baron sat below the Earl of Essex, now that they were both earls, would sit above him. These indignities were too much for his spirit. He would not appear in Parliament, in Council, or in Court. On the Queen's Day (17th of November) he was reported to be very sick.3 On the 30th he was still keeping aloof. On the 21st of December however we are told that "the gallant Earl doth now show himself in more public sort than he did: and

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"My Lord Admiral excusing himself from the journey" [that is, the last voyage], "by the indisposition of his body."-Essex's Apology.

Cum hoc elogio in honoris creationis litteris: illum Angliæ regnum in anno MDLXXXVIII victoria parta ab omni invasione Hispanica et periculi suspicione tutum reddidisse: atque etiam conjunctim cum charissimo consanguineo nostro Roberto Comite Essexia, fortiter et magnifice cepisse vi aperta Insulam et urbem de Cadiz, fortiter munitam in ulteriore Hispania; aliamque classem integram Regis Hispani in dicto portu paratam contra regnum nostrum totaliter expugnasse et destruxisse." -Camden, iii. 746. 470.

3 Letter from Burghley, printed in the Lives of the Earls of Essex,' i. p.