sent possessions in America, as well as those he might obtain by the treaty of peace; and the king of France, to the United States, liberty, sovereignty and independence, absolute and unlimited, as well in point of government as of commerce, and likewise those possessions, additions and conquests which the confederation might acquire in the domains of Great Britain in North America. A separate and secret article reserved to the king of Spain the faculty of becoming a party to the treaty of amity and commerce, as well as to that of alliance, at such time as he should think proper.

Thus France, ever bearing in mind the wounds received in the war of Canada, and always jealous of the power of England, at first by wily intrigues and distant suggestions, then by clandestine succours, and if convenient disavowed, had encouraged the English colonies in their resistance; at length, openly taking them by the hand, she saluted them independent. The French government displayed a profound policy, and singular dexterity in the execution of this plan; it may even be affirmed, that in no other affair, however important, and in no other time, has it ever exhibited so much sagacity and stability. Its operations were covert, while it was perilous to come out, and it threw off the mask so soon as the successes of the colonists permitted them to be looked upon as safe allies. It took the field when its armies and especially its fleets were in perfect preparation, when all its subjects were favorably disposed, when every thing, in a word, promised victory. It would be difficult to paint the transports of exultation which burst forth in France on the publication of the new treaties. The merchants enjoyed in advance those riches which until then had been confined to the ports of England; the landholders imagined that their taxes would be diminished in proportion to the increased prosperity of commerce; the soldiers, and especially the seamen, hoped to avenge their affronts, and recover their ancient glory; the generous spirits exulted that France declared herself, as she should be, the protectress of the oppressed; the friends of liberal principles applauded her for having undertaken the defence of liberty. All united in blessing the long wished for occasion of repressing the detestable pride of a rival nation. All were persuaded that the losses sustained in the preceding reign were about to be repaired; it was every where exclaimed, that the destinies promised to the crown of France were about to be accomplished. Such,' it was said, ' are the happy auspices which usher in the reign of a clement and beloved prince; too long have we suffered; let us hail the dawn of a more fortunate future.' Nor was it only in France that this enthusiasm of joy was witnessed; the same disposition of minds prevailed in almost all the states of Europe. The Europeans lauded, and exalted to the skies, the generosity and the magnanimity of Lewis XVI. Such, at that time was the general abhorrence excited by the conduct of the British government; or such was the affection borne to the American cause.

Shortly after the subscription of the treaties, and long before they were made public, the British ministry had knowledge of them. It is asserted that some of its members, wishing to embrace this occasion for the reestablishment of concord between the two parties, proposed in the secret councils to acknowledge immediately the independence of the colonies, and to negotiate with them a treaty of commerce and alliance. But the king, either guided by his natural obstinacy, or docile as heretofore to the instigations of lord Bute, refused his consent to this measure. It was therefore resolved to proceed by middle ways, which, if they are the least painful, lead also the most rarely to success. They consisted, on this occasion, not in acknowledging independence, which, at this time, it was easier to deny than to prevent, but in renouncing the right of taxation, in revoking the laws complained of, in granting pardons, in acknowledging for a certain time the American authorities; and, finally, in negotiating with them. This plan of conduct, which was not less, and perhaps more, derogatory to the dignity of the crown than the acknowledgment of independence, offered, besides, less real advantage to England; it was accordingly blamed by all prudent and intelligent politicians. None could avoid seeing, that if it was questionable, whether these measures would have operated the desired effect before the declaration of independence and the alliance with France, it was indubitable that afterwards they must prove absolutely fruitless. That proclivity which men have by nature towards independence, was likely to prevail in the minds of the Americans over the proposal of resuming their former yoke, whatever were the advantages that could have resulted from it. Another consideration must have acted upon them, and particularly upon their chiefs; they were not ignorant, that in state matters it is little prudent to confide in the pardon of princes; neither had they forgotten that these very ministers, who made them such bland proposals, were the same men who had attempted to starve America, had filled it with ferocious soldiers, with devastation and with blood. Besides, if the Americans should have broken the faith which they had just pledged to France, they would have declared themselves guilty of a scandalous perfidy; abandoned by their new allies, could they have hoped after such treachery, to find in their utmost distress, a single power on earth that would deign to succour them? They would have found themselves exposed without shield or defence, to the fury and vengeance of Great Britain.

But, perhaps, the British ministers believed, that if the measures proposed were not to bring about an arrangement, they might, at least, divide opinions, give birth to powerful parties, and thus, by intestine dissentions, facilitate the triumph of England. Perhaps, also, and probably they persuaded themselves, that if the Americans rejected the propositions for an adjustment, they would at least have a

colorable pretence for continuing the war. But whether the procedure of the ministers at this juncture was free or forced, lord North, in the sitting of the House of Commons, of the nineteenth of February, made a very grave speech upon the present state of affairs. He remarked, that sir William Howe had not only been in the late actions, and in the whole course of the campaign, in goodness of troops, and in all manner of supplies, but in numbers, too, much superior to the enemy; that Burgoyne had been in numbers, until the affair at Bennington, near twice as strong as the army opposed to him; that sixty thousand men and upwards, had been sent to America, a force which even exceeded the demands of the generals; but fortune had shown herself so unpropitious, that it had been impossible to reap those advantages which were reasonably to have been expected from it. He concluded with saying, that although Great Britain was most able to continue the war, not only from the abundance of men, and the strength of the navy, but from the flourishing condition of the finances, which might be still increased by a loan at low interest, yet out of that desire which every good government ought to have, to put an end to war, the ministry had determined to submit to the deliberations of the House certain conciliatory propositions, from which he expected the most happy results. The general attention was evinced by a profound silence; no mark of approbation was manifested by any party. Astonishment, dejection and fear overclouded the whole assembly; so different was the present language of the ministers from what they had ever used before; it was concluded they had been forced to it by some serious cause. Fox took this opportunity to exclaim, that the treaty of alliance between France and the United States was already signed; the agitation and tumult became extreme. Lord North moved the resolution, that the parliament could not in future impose any tax or duty in the colonies of North America, except such only as should be deemed beneficial to commerce, and the product even of those to be collected under the authority of the respective colonies, and to be employed for their use and advantage. He proposed, besides, that five commissioners should be appointed, empowered to adjust with any assembly or individual whatsoever, the differences existing between Great Britain and her colonies, it being understood, however, that the compacts were not to take effect till ratified by the parliament.

The commissioners were, also, to be authorised to proclaim armistices wherever they should think proper, to suspend prohibitory laws, and generally all laws promulgated since the tenth of February; one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three; and to pardon whoever, and as many as they pleased. they pleased. Finally, they were to have authority to appoint governors and commanders-in-chief in the reconciled provinces.

6

Thus the British ministers, now urged by necessity, all at once conceded what they had refused during fifteen years, and what they had been contending for in a sanguinary and cruel war, already of three years standing. Whether it was the fault of fortune, or their own, they appeared in this conjuncture as in all others, inflexible when they should have yielded, and pliant when too late. Incapable of controlling events, they were dragged along by them. The bills proposed passed almost without opposition in parliament; but without, they excited universal discontent. Such concessions,' it was vociferated, are too unworthy of the British name and power; they would only be admissible in an extremity, such as, heaven be thanked, England is still far from being reduced to; they are calculated to sow discouragement amongst us, to enervate our armies, to embolden our enemies, and to detach our allies. Since the right of taxation is renounced, which was the first motive and cause of the war, why not go farther, and acknowledge independency?' In a word, the ministers were charged with having done too much, or too little; the common fate of those, who, from timidity betake themselves to half measures; whose prudence and vigor prove equally vain. Nor were the ministers only exposed to the animadversions of the opposite party; the most moderate citizens expressed a no less decided disapprobation. Nevertheless, the king appointed not long after, for commissioners, the earl of Carlisle, lord Howe, William Eden, George Johnstone, and the commander-in-chief of the English army in America; individuals highly distinguished, either by their rank, or by the celebrity of their achievements, or by their intelligence and experience in American affairs; the earl of Carlisle, Eden and Johnstone, sailed from St. Helen's the twenty-first of April, on board the ship Trident.

In the midst of this complication of novel events, and of novel measures, and while the entire British nation was anxiously looking towards the future, the marquis de Noailles, ambassador of his most christian majesty, at the court of England, in pursuance of instructions from his sovereign, delivered on the thirteenth of March to lord Weymouth, secretary of state for foreign affairs, the following declaration;

"The United States of America, which are in full possession of the independence declared by their act of the fourth of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, having made a proposal to the king, to consolidate, by a formal convention, the connections that have begun to be established between the two nations, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed a treaty of amity and commerce, intended to serve as a basis for mutual good correspondence.

'His majesty, being resolved to cultivate the good understanding subsisting between France and Great Britain, by all the means compatible with his dignity, and with the good of his subjects, thinks that

VOL. II.

15

he ought to impart this step to the court of London, and declare to it, at the same tine, that the contracting parties have had attention not to stipulate any exclusive advantage in favor of the French nation, and that the United States have preserved the liberty of treating with all nations whatsoever on the same foot of equality and reciprocity.

In making this communication to the court of London, the king is firmly persuaded, that it will find in it fresh proofs of his majesty's constant and sincere dispositions for peace; and that his Britannic majesty, animated by the same sentiments, will equally avoid every thing that may interrupt good harmony; and that he will take, in particular, effectual measures to hinder the commerce of his majesty's subjects with the United States of America from being disturbed, and cause to be observed, in this respect, the usages received between trading nations and the rules that may be considered as subsisting between the crowns of France and Great Britain.

In this just confidence, the underwritten ambassador might think it superfluous to apprise the British ministry, that the king his master, being determined effectually to protect the lawful freedom of the commerce of his subjects, and to sustain the honor of his flag, his majesty has taken in consequence eventual measures, in concert with the United States of North America.'

This declaration, so full of matter in itself, and presented with very little ceremony by the French ambassador, stung British pride to the quick. If it was one of those shrewd turns which are not unusual among princes in their reciprocal intercourse, it was also one of those which they are not accustomed to forgive. France had foreseen its consequences, and far from dreading them, they were the very object of her wishes and hopes. Lord North communicated, the seventeenth of March, the note of the French minister to the House of Commons, with a message from the king, purporting that his majesty had thought proper in consequence of this offensive declaration on the part of the government of France, to recall his ambassador from that court; that he had been sincerely desirous to preserve the tranquillity of Europe; and that he trusted he should not stand responsible for its interruption, if he resented so unprovoked, and so unjust an aggression on the honor of his crown, and the essential interests of his kingdoms, contrary to the most solemn assurances, subversive of the law of nations, and injurious to the rights of every sovereign power in Europe. He concluded with saying, that relying with the firmest confidence on the zeal of his people, he hoped to be in a condition to repel every insult and attack, and to maintain and uphold the power and reputation of his crown.

This resolution surprised no one; it was already the subject of conversation in all companies. Lord North moved the usual address of thanks to the king, with assurance of the support of parliament.