1778.

BOOK TENTH.

THE unfortunate issue of the war of Canada, and the inutility of the advantages obtained in the campaign of Pennsylvania, had at length shaken the obstinacy of the British ministers. They began to believe that it was impossible to reduce the Americans by force of arms; and every day confirmed them in this persuasion, since France, so powerful by land and by sea, had united her forces to those of the Congress. It was too manifest to be doubted, that if the Americans had been able to withstand, in the preceding campaign, the utmost efforts of England, it would be infinitely more easy for them to resist in future; their union being more consolidated by time, their hopes secured by propitious fortune, and their arms seconded by those of a formidable potentate. Besides, it was no longer to be hoped that as many troops could be sent to America in future years as had been sent thither in the past. For, without reference to the almost absolute impossibility of procuring more German troops, and the extreme slowness of recruiting in England, there was to be feared an invasion of the French, in the very heart of the kingdom, and moreover, it was necessary to throw strong garrisons into the West India islands, to shelter them from the assaults of the French, who were known to have a respectable force in their vicinity. It was no mystery in the British cabinet, that the principal object which the French were aiming at in the present war, after the separation of America from Great Britain, was the conquest of the rich colonies of England in the West Indies; and that in anticipation of events, they had assembled numerous troops in their own possessions. The English islands of the West Indies thus found themselves exposed, almost without defence, to the attempts of the enemy. Whether the ministers had believed that war with France was not likely to break out immediately, or that they had relied upon their sanguine hopes of a complete triumph in the preceding campaign, they had flattered themselves that in any event, their victories upon the American continent would enable them to pass into their islands in good time, all the succours that could be necessary. Jealousy was also entertained of Canada, not only on the part of the Americans, but also, and much more, on that of the French; for the Canadians were more French than English, and the memory of their origin appeared to be still dear them. It was therefore necessary to leave in that province such garrisons as could answer for it. These various considerations, not only rendered it impracticable to reenforce the armies which acted against the United States; but even imposed the necessity of weakening them by detachments for the different exigencies of the service. But, on the other hand, the courage of the ministers did not desert

them. They hoped that offers of accommodation, a new mode of conducting the war, and, perhaps, victories over France, would enable them to compass that which by arms alone they had hitherto failed to obtain. They persuaded themselves that the Americans, tired of a long war, and finding their resources exhausted, would readily consent to an arrangement; or that, even if the Congress refused, the greater part of the nation, at least, would manifest an eagerness to listen to their proposals; and already they beheld intestine dissentions opening the way to the reestablishment of ancient relations, if not an absolute subjugation.

To provide for this consummation, the clause had been added to the act of conciliation, which empowered the commissioners to treat, not only with any public authority, but even with every description of private citizens whatsoever. After having encountered an obstinate resistance in the inhabitants of the northern provinces, they had been assured by the refugees in whom they put all their trust, that they would find far more pliable matter in those of the south. They determined accordingly to make these the seat of the war, in the hope, that as they abounded more in subjects devoted to the crown, they would manifest greater repugnance to combating the troops of the king, and more inclination to listen to his negotiators. Besides, the fertile lands and exuberant pasturage of these provinces, rendered them extremely accommodate for the subsistence of armies, at the same time that the inhabitants would have a motive in this very abundance the more to dread the devastations inseparable from war. But whatever was the foundation of these hopes, the ministers were resolved to resume hostilities as soon as the negotiations should cease to promise any result, in order to avoid the appearance of yielding to the threats of France. Without allowing themselves to be intimidated by the consequences which might attend the war with America, they. considered themselves bound by that regard which every state owes to its own honor and dignity, to try yet for a time the fortune of arms. If it proved necessary at last to acknowledge the independence of America, which was become the principal point in contest, they thought it could never be too late for that, and they reputed it better to submit honorably to adverse fortune and the decision of the sword, than to bow ignominiously, and without combat, to the menaces of an arrogant enemy. Such were the motives which influenced the British ministers in the present period of the war, and which were afterwards the basis of all their resolutions. But perfectly sensible. that if England made no new overtures, the Congress would not fail to ratify the treaty contracted with France, and that it would become then much more difficult for that body to retract its resolutions, the British ministers hastened to transmit to America the bill of conciliation, even before it had yet been approved in parliament. They flattered themselves that the Americans thus finding that England

renounced what had been the first and capital cause of the differences, that is, the right of taxation, all other difficulties would be promptly smoothed, and the ratification of the treaty readily prevented. This first point gained, the commissioners would only have had, as it were, to appear, in order to affix the seal to a definitive arrangement. Accordingly, copies of the bill were received at New York about the middle of the month of April. Governor Tryon, a shrewd and active man, as we have seen, after having caused it to be published in the city, found means to circulate it among the Americans, much extolling the good dispositions of the government towards America. He wrote at the same time to general Washington, and to Trumbull, the governor of New Jersey, requesting them, a thing really without example, to bring this project of an act of parliament to the knowledge of soldiers, and of inhabitants. Washington referred the whole to the Congress, that they might take the proper measures. Trumbull replied to Tryon in a very energetic style, that he was not a little surprised at this strange mode of negotiation between two nations; that in similar cases, demands and propositions are addressed, not to the multitude, but to those who govern; that there had been a time, indeed, when such a proposal of the mother country might have been received with alacrity and gratitude, but that such time was irrevocably elapsed. He reminded of petitions rejected, hostilities commenced and prosecuted with so much barbarity on the part of the English, their insolence in good fortune, the cruelties exercised against prisoners, injuries which had interposed an insuperable obstacle to reconciliation. 'Peace,' he added, 'cannot subsist but with our independence. The English will then find the Americans as sincere friends, as they are now determined and dangerous enemies. If they would have peace, let them abandon all insidious procedures, and demand it openly of those who can grant it.' Meanwhile, the Congress, on receipt of their general's despatches, deliberated upon the step they had to take.

Considering themselves as already sure of the assistance of France, and indignant at these new machinations of the English, they decreed that any men, or body of men, whatsoever, who should presume to make any separate or partial convention or agreement with commissioners under the crown of Great Britain, should be reputed and treated as enemies of the United States; that these states could not enter into any conference or treaty with the agents of Great Britain, except they should, as a preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and armies, or else in positive and express terms acknowledge the independence of the United States. Finally, it being the design of the enemy to lull the inhabitants of America, by this soothing sound of peace, into a neglect of warlike preparations, it was earnestly recommended to the different states to use the most strenuous exertions to have their respective quotas of continental troops in the field as soon

as possible; and that all the militia of the said states might be held in readiness to act as occasion might require. The Congress then, in order to show of how little importance they esteemed the bills of parliament, and the intrigues of Tryon to diffuse them, embraced the generous counsel of causing them to be published in the public prints, together with the resolutions they had just passed.

But on the other hand, under the apprehension that many of those who had hitherto attached themselves to the English party, in despair of finding pardon in their country, might not only persist in their obstinacy, but profiting of the amnesty offered by the British government, might also employ their influence to draw over to its interest even such as had remained faithful to the common cause, they passed a resolution, recommending to the several states, to grant a full remission of all guilt and penalties, except the restrictions they might deem necessary, to all those who had borne arms against the United States, or assisted the enemy in any way whatsoever. Each individual was assured of pardon for the offences he might have committed up to that time, and the citizens were invited to a mutual forgiveness and oblivion of past wrongs and injuries.

But the English soldiers, in America, strangers to the political considerations by which states are guided, and bitterly irritated at the obstinate resistance of the Americans, were inconceivably shocked at hearing of the unexpected resolutions of the ministers. They were for absolute conquest, and submission without reserve. They could not endure this shameful condescension; they asked why this ignominious retraction, why this solicitude to offer what at first was refused with so much pertinacity? They expected, upon the faith of promises, a reenforcement of twenty thousand of their fellowsoldiers, and they received in their stead, acts of concession. The discontent was so extreme in the camp, as to manifest itself in seditious words, and acts of violence; the soldiers in their fury presumed even to rend their colors; others, and principally the Scotch, tore in pieces the acts of parliament. If such was the indignation of the British troops, it is easy to conceive what was the despair of the American refugees. They saw blasted in a moment their confident hopes of returning victorious to their habitations; and perhaps some of them gnashed at finding themselves frustrated of intended vengeance.

With so much industry and so little fruit did the agents of England, labor in America, to conciliate minds towards the mother country; and with so much energy and success did the Congress endeavor to baffle all their efforts!

The second of May was the day destined to carry to its utmost height the exultation of the Americans, and to put the seal to the dismemberment of the vast and powerful British empire. On this day arrived at Casco Bay, the French frigate La Sensible, com

manded by M. de Marigny. She had been selected as an excellent sailer, to bear to the Congress the treaties concluded with France; sbe had departed from Brest the eighth of March, having on board Simon Deane, brother of Silas. She brought, besides, happy news of all the European continent, and of an unanimity still more sincere than ever, of the people and of the princes in favor of America. The Congress was immediately convened; we shall not attempt to describe their satisfaction and alacrity at the sight of the treaties. They were ratified as soon as read. Unable to control the flush occasioned by so great an event, they forgot the rules of prudence. New states too frequently err in this; allowing themselves to be hurried away by an inconsiderate ardor, and impatient to communicate it to the people they govern, they are betrayed into impolitic steps. In this respect, widely different from ancient states; these, always circumspect and wrapped up in mystery, are reluctant to break silence even when every thing appears to exact it. The Congress at once made public the despatches they had just received; this disclosure was disagreeable to several powers, and especially to Spain, who would have chosen not to declare herself before the appointed time. The proclamation issued to that effect, spoke, not only of the treaty of commerce concluded with France, but even of the treaty of alliance; it announced, without any reserve, that the emperor of Germany, the kings of Spain and Prussia, were determined to support them; that the king of Prussia, in particular, would not permit that the troops levied in Hesse and Hanau should pass through his territories in order to embark in the English vessels, and that he would be the second potentate in Europe who would acknowledge the independence of America; that fifty thousand French were marched upon the coasts of Normandy and of Brittany; and, finally, that the navies of France and Spain, (as if the intervention of this power was already secured) amounted to two hundred ships, ready to sail for the succour of America. The Congress afterwards drew up and published a solemn address to the people of America; this piece was wrought with much care, though a little strange from its tumid style, and the religious sentences with which it was interspersed. It was recommended to all ministers of the gospel, of whatever denomination, to read this address to their congregations, immediately after divine service. It represented in the most vivid colors the vicissitudes of the state in the course of the late years; the virtue, the courage, the patience of the Americans; the perfidy, the injustice, the cruelty, the tyranny of the English; the assistance of God visibly afforded to the just cause; and the ancient weakness of the colonies succeeded by their present security. The haughty prince,' continued the address, who spurned us from his feet with contumely and disdain, and the parliament which proscribed us, now descend to offer terms of accommodation.