members of Congress, from the agents or subjects of the king of Great Britain, should be laid before that assembly.

Thus became public those letters addressed by Johnstone to three members of Congress, one to Francis Dana, another to general Reed, and a third to Robert Morris. In the first, he assured that doctor Franklin had approved the conditions of the arrangement that was proposed; that France had been induced to conclude the treaty of alliance, not from any regard for the interests of America, but from the dread of reconciliation; that Spain was dissatisfied, and disapproved the conduct of the court of Versailles. In the second, after lavishing praises on general Reed, he continued, with saying, that the man who could be instrumental in restoring harmony between the two states, would deserve more from the king and people, than ever was yet bestowed on human kind. In the third, which he had also filled with compliments, he admitted that he believed the men who had conducted the affairs of America, incapable of being influenced by improper motives, and added the following words; 'but in all such transactions there is risk; and I think that whoever ventures, should be secured, at the same time, that honor and emolument should naturally follow the fortunes of those who have steered the vessel in the storm, and brought her safely into port. I think Washington and the President have a right to every favor that grateful nations can bestow, if they could once more unite our interests, and spare the miseries and devastations of war.' Such were the baits with which, as the Americans said, George Johnstone attempted the fidelity of the first authorities of the United States; such were the words of blandishment he caused to resound in their ears, in order to seduce them to betray their country. But that which gave the Congress most offence, and which, they profited of with the greatest address to render the British cause and propositions alike odious to the inhabitants of America, was the following transaction; general Reed stated that a lady had sought him, on the part of Johnstone, and had earnestly exhorted him to promote the reunion of the two countries, promising, in case of success, a reward of ten thousand pounds sterling, and any office in the colonies in the king's gift. The general replied, as he affirmed, that he was not worth purchasing; but that such as he was, the king of Great Britain was not rich enough to do it. The Congress, in their indignation, declared that these being direct attempts to corrupt and bribe the Congress of the United States of America, it was incompatible with their honor to hold any manner of correspondence or intercourse with George Johnstone; especially to negotiate with him upon affairs in which the cause of liberty and virtue was interested.

This declaration, which was sent by a flag to the commissioners, produced a very severe answer from Johnstone, which, if he had clothed in more moderate language, would have gained him more

credit with his readers. He affected to consider the declaration of Congress as an honor, and not as a matter of offence; he observed that while that assembly only contended for the essential privileges necessary to the preservation of their liberty and the redress of their grievances, their censure would have filled his soul with bitterness and with grief; but since the Congress, deaf to the piteous cries of so many citizens overwhelmed by the calamities of war, had sullied by motives of personal ambition the principles of their first resistance; since he saw them bend the knee before the ambassador of France, and for alliance with the ancient enemy of the two countries, with the manifest intention of reducing the power of the mother country, he was quite unconcerned what might be the opinions of such men with regard to him. As to the accusations drawn from his letters, he neither denied nor confessed He simply affirmed, that the present resolution of Congress was no better founded than that they had taken concerning the cartridgeboxes of Burgoyne's army. He reserved, however, the liberty of justifying his conduct, before his departure from America; and added, that in the meantime, he should abstain from acting in the character of a commissioner.

His colleagues, Carlisle, Clinton and Eden, issued a counter declaration, wherein they disclaimed all participation and knowledge of the matters specified by the Congress in their resolutions. They expressed, at the same time, the highest opinion of the abilities of Johnstone, of the uprightness of his intentions, and of the equity and generosity of those sentiments and principles upon which he was desirous of founding a reconciliation between the disunited parts of the British empire.

But the design of the commissioners in this declaration was not so much to exculpate themselves, as to counteract the impression produced by the treaties with France, and to demonstrate to the people at large that Congress had no right to ratify them. They had placed great hopes in this step. They were not ignorant that many Americans had abated their ardor and even conceived a secret discontent, since the much magnified succour of the count d'Estaing had proved of so little, or rather of no utility. The commissioners were also, as usual, stimulated by the refugees, who reminded them continually of the multitude and power of the loyalists. They expatiated, therefore, upon the perfidy of France, upon the ambition of Congress, and they exerted themselves especially, to prove that the latter, in a case of this in ortance, where the salvation or the ruin of all America was at stake, had not, even by their own constitution, the power to ratify the treaties with France, without consulting their constituents; at a time, too, when such offers of accommodation were expected on the part of Great Britain, as, not only far exceeded the demands, but even the hopes of the inhabitants of America.

They concluded with observing, that the faith of the nation was not pledged by the ratification of Congress.

The opposite party wanted not writers who endeavored to defeat the effect of these insinuations. The most conspicuous among them were Drayton, already mentioned, and Thomas Paine, author of the work entitled Common Sense. Whatever were the merits of this controversy, it is certain that the publications of the commissioners were absolutely fruitless. Not a proselyte was made.

The British agents being now persuaded that all hopes of reconciliation were illusory, determined, before their departure, to publish a manifesto, in which they threatened the Americans with the extremes of the most desolating war that man could conceive. They hoped that terror would produce those effects which their conciliatory offers had failed of attaining. This plan of bostilities had long been advocated in England, by the friends of coercion, as the readiest and most effectual. It would bring, they believed, such distress on the colonies as would not fail to compel them to submit. They represented the vast continent of America as peculiarly open to incursions and ravages; its coasts were of so immense an extent, that they could not possibly be guarded against an enemy that was master at sea; there were innumerable bays, creeks and inlets, where descents might be made unobstructed. The rivers were such as afforded a navigation for ships of force far into the interior parts of the country; thus it would be easy to penetrate to most of the towns and settlements, and to spread destruction into the heart of every province on the continent.

The commissioners, inclining to adopt these views, commenced their manifesto with a retrospect of the transactions and conduct of the Congress; charging them with an obstinate rejection of the proffers of accommodation on the part of Great Britain, and representing them as unauthorised to exercise the powers they had assumed. On the other hand, they magnified their own endeavors to bring about a restoration of peace and happiness to America. They gave notice, that it was their intention to return shortly to England, as their stay in a country where their commission had been treated with so little notice and respect, was inconsistent with the dignity of the power they represented. They professed, however, the same readiness as ever, to promote the objects of their mission, and to continue the conciliatory offers that were its principal motive. Finally, they solemnly warned the people of the alteration that would be made in the future method of carrying on the war, should the colonies persist in their resistance to Great Britain, and in their unnatural connection with France.

The policy, as well as the benevolence of Great Britain,' said they, has hitherto checked the extremes of war, when they tended to distress a people, still considered as fellow-subjects, and to desolate a country shortly to become again a source of mutual advantage;

but when that country not only estranges herself from England, but mortgages herself and her resources to her enemy, the whole contest is changed; and the question is, how far Great Britain may, by every means in her power, destroy or render useless, a connection contrived for her ruin, and for the aggrandisement of France? Under such circumstances, the laws of seifpreservation must direct the conduct of Great Britain; and if the British colonies are to become an accession of power to France, will direct her to render that accession of as little avail as possible to her enemy.'

This manifesto, which was the object of the severest animadversion, and which was even condemned by several orators of parliament, and particularly by Fox, as cruel and barbarous, produced no greater effect upon the minds of the Americans than had been operated by the offers of peace.

The Congress immediately issued a proclamation, warning all the inhabitants who lived in places exposed to the descents and ravages of a ferocious enemy, to remove, on the appearance of danger, to the distance of at least thirty miles, together with their families, their cattle, and all their moveable property. But if the measures adopted by the British commissioners, were justly censured, those taken by the Congress are at least by no means to be commended. They recommended, that whenever the enemy proceeded to burn or destroy any town, the people should, in the same manner, ravage, burn and destroy the houses and properties of all tories and enemies to the independence of America, and secure their persons; without treating then, however, or their families with any cruelty; since the Americans should abhor to imitate their adversaries, or the allies they had subsidised, whether Germans, blacks, or savages.

Such are the excesses to which even the most civilised men are liable to be transported, when under the pestilent influence of party spirit. The British threatened to do what they had already done, and the Americans, the very thing they so justly condemned in their enemies. But impassioned man is more prone to imitate evil in others, than dispassionate man to imitate good.

Some time after, lest the extreme rigor of the English declarations should give birth to new thoughts among the people, the Congress published a manifesto, in which they premised, that since they had not been able to prevent, they had endeavored, at least, to alleviate the calamities of war. But they asserted that the conduct of their enemies had been the very reverse. They,' said the manifesto, 'have laid waste the open country, burned the defenceless villages, and butchered the citizens of America. Their prisons have been the slaughterhouses of her soldiers, their ships of her seamen; and the severest injuries have been aggravated by the grossest insults. Foiled in their vain attempts to subjugate the unconquerable spirit of freedom, they have meanly assailed the representatives of America

with bribes, with deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have made a mock of religion by impious appeals to God, whilst in the violation of his sacred command. They have made a mock even of reason itself, by endeavoring to prove that the liberty and happiness of America could safely be intrusted to those who have sold their own, unawed by the sense of virtue or of shame. Treated with the contempt which such conduct deserved, they have applied to individuals. They have solicited them to break the bonds of allegiance, and imbue their souls with the blackest crimes. But fearing that none could be found through these United States equal to the wickedness of their purpose; to influence weak minds they have threatened more wide devastation.

While the shadow of hope remained that our enemies could be taught by our example to respect those laws which are held sacred among civilised nations, and to comply with the dictates of a religion which they pretend, in common with us, to believe and revere, they have been left to the influence of that religion and that example. But since their incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kindness and compassion; it becomes our duty by other means to vindicate the rights of humanity.

We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, do solemnly declare and proclaim, that if our enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their present career of barbarity, we will take such exemplary vengeance, as shall deter others from a like conduct. We appeal to that God who searcheth the hearts of men, for the rectitude of our intentions; and in his holy presence declare, that as we are not moved by any light and hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so through every possible change of fortune we will adhere to this our determination.'

At the same epoch, the marquis de la Fayette, indignant at the manner in which the British commissioners had spoken of France in their letter of the twenty-sixth of August, in attributing her interference in the present quarrel to ambition, and to the desire of seeing the two parties consume each other in a long war, wrote to the earl of Carlisle, demanding reparation for the insult offered to his country, and challenging him to single combat.

The earl declined this meeting, saying, that as he had acted on that occasion in the character of a commissioner, his language and conduct had been official, and consequently he was accountable for them to no one except to his king and country. He concluded his answer with observing, that in regard to national disputes, they would be better adjusted when admiral Byron and the count d'Estaing should have met upon the ocean.

A short time after, the commissioners, unable to effect any of the objects of their mission, embarked for England. All hope from negotiation being now vanished, every thought was devoted with new