Gates undertook to justify the English upon this point, and with complete success. But the Congress had need of a quarrel, and therefore sought the grounds. They wished to retard the embarkation of the prisoners, under the apprehension that, in defiance of treaties, they would go to join general Howe, or at least, that arriving too early in England, the government would be able to fill their place immediately by an equal number in America. They decreed, therefore, that general Burgoyne should furnish the rolls of his army, that a list might be taken of the name and rank of every commissioned officer; with the name, former place of abode, occupation, size, age and description of every noncommissioned officer and private soldier.

Burgoyne considered this demand extraordinary, and therefore resorted to various subterfuges in order to evade compliance. General Howe, on his part, proceeded with much subtility and illiberality in the exchange of prisoners; and thus the discontents and suspicions were continually increased.

The ambiguous conduct of each of these generals alarmed the Congress exceedingly; they decreed, therefore, that the embarkation of Burgoyne and all the captive troops should be suspended, until a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga should be properly notified to Congress by the court of Great Britain. At the same time they sent directions to general Heath, to order any vessels which might have arrived, or which should arrive, for the transportation of the army, to quit the port of Boston without delay. An additional force was also provided to guard the British army. Burgoyne then addressed a letter to Congress, in which he endeavored to justify his conduct; he protested that he had never thought himself released from the conditions of the convention of Saratoga, and affirmed that all his officers individually were ready to give their written promise to observe all the articles of that capitulation. All was in vain; Congress was inflexible; and the prisoners had to make up their minds to remain in America. This decision they took in great dudgeon; and it served as a pretext for the partisans of the ministry to charge the Americans with perfidy. We shall not undertake to decide whether the fears manifested by Congress had a real foundation; and we shall abstain as well from blaming the imprudence of Burgoyne, as from praising the wisdom, or condemning the distrust of the Congress.

It is but too certain that in these civil dissentions and animosities, appearances become realities, and probabilities demonstration. Accordingly, at that time the Americans complained bitterly of British perfidy, and the English of American want of faith.

Finding that he could obtain nothing for others, Burgoyne solicited for himself, and easily got permission to return to England. As soon as he was arrived in London, he began to declaim with virulence

against those ministers, whose favor a little before he had used every means to captivate, and who had given him, to the prejudice of a general approved by long services, an opportunity to distinguish his name by a glorious enterprise. Burgoyne wanted neither an active genius nor military science and experience; but formed in the wars of Germany, his movements were made with caution, and extreme deliberation, and never till all circumstances united to favor them. He would, upon no consideration, have attacked an enemy, until the minutest precepts of the military art had all been faithfully observed. This was totally mistaking the nature of the American war, which required to be carried on with vigor and spirit. In a region like America, broken by so many defiles and fastnesses, against an enemy so able to profit of them, by scouring the country, by preparing ambuscades, by intercepting convoys and retreats, the celerity which might involve a transient peril, was assuredly preferable to the slowness which, under its apparent security, concealed a future and inevitable danger.

This general lost the opportunity to conquer, because he would never run the risk of defeat; and as he would put nothing in the power of fortune, she seemed to have thought him unworthy of her favors. Moreover, the employment of savages in the wars of civilised nations, was never the source of durable success; nor was it ever the practice of prudent generals to provoke the enemy by threats, or to exasperate him by ravages and conflagrations.

While these events were passing in the north, admiral and general Howe were at sea, undecided whether to enter the Delaware, or to take the route of the Chesapeake bay, in order to march against Philadelphia. Washington continued in New Jersey, prepared to defend the passages of the Hudson, if the British army should have taken that direction, or to cover Philadelphia, should it threaten that city. But while waiting for certain information respecting the movements and plans of the British generals, he neglected none of those measures which were proper to place his army in a situation to resist the storm that was about to burst upon it. He collected arms and ammunition, called out the militia of the neighboring provinces, and ordered to join him all the regiments of regular troops that were not necessary for the defence of the Hudson. These different corps were continually exercised in arms and military evolutions; wherein they derived great advantage from the example and instructions of the French officers who had recently entered the service of the United States. Among these, the splendor of rank added to the fascination of his personal qualities, eminently distinguished the marquis de la Fayette. Animated by the enthusiasm which generous minds are wont to feel for great enterprises, he espoused the cause of the Americans with a partiality common to almost all the men of that time, and particularly to the French. He considered it not only just,

but exalted and sacred; the affection he bore it was the more ardent, as independently of the candor of his character, he was of that age, not exceeding nineteen years, in which good appears not only goou, but fair, and man not only loves, but is enamored. Inflamed with desire to take part in events which were echoed by all Europe, he had communicated, about the close of 1776, to the American commissioners his intention of repairing to America; they had encouraged him in that resolution. But when they were informed of the reverses of New Jersey, compelled almost to despair of the success of the revolution, they, with honorable sincerity, endeavored to dissuade him from it. They even declared to him that their affairs were so deranged by this unhappy news, that they were not able to charter a vessel for his passage to America. It is said the gallant youth replied, that it was then precisely the moment to serve their cause; that the more people were discouraged the greater utility would result from his departure, and that if they could not furnish him with a ship, he would freight one at his own expense to convey himself and their despatches to America. And as he said, he also did. The people were astonished, and much conversation was excited by this determination on the part of so illustrious a personage. The court of France, either to save appearances, and avoid giving umbrage to England, or being really displeased at this departure, forbade La Fayette to embark. It is even asserted, that ships were despatched with orders to arrest him in the waters of the West Indies. Tearing himself, however, from the arms of his beloved wife, who was in all the bloom of youth, he put to sea, and steering wide of those islands, arrived in Georgetown. The Congress omitted none of those demonstrations which could persuade. the young Frenchman, and all the American people, in what esteem they held his person, and how much they felt the sacrifices he had made, and the dangers to which he had exposed himself, and was still exposed, for being come to offer his support to the tottering cause of America.

Touched by this flattering reception, he promised to exert himself to the utmost of his knowledge and ability; but requested permission to serve at first only as a volunteer and at his own expense. This generosity and modesty of the marquis de la Fayette, delighted the Americans the more, as some of the French who had entered their service were never to be satisfied in the articles either of pay, or of rank. It was Silas Deane who had encouraged these exorbitant expectations, by entering in France into such engagements with those officers, as could not be confirmed in America. This conduct had greatly displeased the Congress, and was what chiefly determined them to send him, soon after, a successor in the person of John Adams. The Congress decreed, that Whereas the marquis de la Fayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of liberty, in which the United States were engaged, had left his family and connections,

VOL. II.

8

and at his own expense come over to offer his services without pension or particular allowance, and was anxious to risk his life in their defence, they accepted his services; and that in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he was invested with the rank of major-general in the army of the United States.' The marquis having repaired to the camp, was received with consideration by general Washington, and soon there was established between them that warm friendship which subsisted until the death of the American general.

The American army was at this time strong in number; it amounted, including however the militia, little accustomed to regular battle, to fifteen thousand men. It was full of confidence in its chiefs; and animated by their example and exhortations. The news was then received that the British fleet was in sight of Cape May, at the mouth of the Delaware, steering eastward. Washington immediately conceived some alarm for the banks of the Hudson, which he had always watched with care from the commencement of the war. He ordered the troops that were to come from Peek's Kill to join him in New Jersey, not to move; and those who were already on the march, to halt in their positions.

The seventh of August, the British squadron was perceived anew at the entrance of the Delaware; but it disappeared a little after, and was not heard of again for several days. The commander-inchief could not penetrate the design of the enemy; still in doubt, he continued stationary, not knowing where the tempest was to strike. But after a certain lapse of time, even the length of delay led him to suspect that the views of Howe were by no means directed towards the Hudson; for the winds having prevailed for a long time from the south, if such had been his intention he would already have been arrived at the destined spot. Washington was therefore inclined to believe that the English meditated an expedition against some part of the southern provinces. He felt indeed some solicitude for the bay of Chesapeake; but, as it was at no great distance from the mouths of the Delaware, the enemy ought already to have made his appearance there. Upon these considerations, he more feared for the safety of Charleston, South Carolina; but even if so, he was unable to arrive in time to the relief of that city. Besides, that country was naturally unhealthy, and especially at the present

season.

There was also danger that Howe might reembark his troops, and make a sudden push against Philadelphia, which, in the absence of the army, must inevitably fall into his power. It therefore appeared much more prudent to maintain a position which admitted of watching over Pennsylvania, and to leave the Carolinas with their own means only to defend themselves as well as they could against the invasions of the enemy. But in order to compensate the losses

which might perhaps ensue in that quarter, Washington resolved to march with all his troops towards the Hudson, to be ready to turn his arms according to circumstances, either against Burgoyne towards Fort Edward, or against Clinton towards New York, then divested of the greater part of its defenders.

He had scarcely formed this determination, when he was informed that the enemy had appeared with all his forces in the Chesapeake. This intelligence put an end to all his uncertainties, and he then saw distinctly the course he had to pursue. He despatched orders to all the detached corps to join him by forced marches in the environs of Philadelphia, for the purpose of proceeding thence to the bead of the Chesapeake. The militia of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, and the northern parts of Virginia, were ordered to take arms and repair to the principal army.

While these preparations were making on the part of the Americans, the English fleet entered with full sails into the Chesapeake bay, and profiting of a favorable wind, proceeded as far up as the point called Elk Head. From the time of its departure from Sandy Hook this squadron had experienced the most contrary winds, and had been more than a week in doubling the capes of Delaware. The English generals were there informed that the Americans had so effectually obstructed the navigation of that river that it would be equally dangerous and fruitless to attempt the passage up to Philadelphia.

Though some persons maintain that they might easily have disembarked at Wilmington, whence there was an excellent road leading directly to that city. However this was, they preferred to proceed further south, and to sail up the Chesapeake bay as far as that part of Maryland which borders on Pennsylvania, and is at no great distance from Philadelphia. But in the passage from the Delaware to the Chesapeake the winds were so constantly unfavorable that they could not enter the bay till towards the last of August. This delay was excessively prejudicial to the English army; the troops being crowded into the vessels along with the horses and all the baggage, in the midst of the hottest season of the year. The health of the soldiers would have suffered still more, if the generals had not taken the precaution to put on board a large stock of fresh provisions and a copious supply of water. The sea became more propitious in the Chesapeake, and the squadron soon gained the coasts of Maryland. Thus the two armies advanced, each towards the other, amidst the anxious expectation of the American people.

About this time an expedition was undertaken by general Sullivan, against Staten Island, the commencement of which had created hopes of a more happy termination. He landed without opposition and took many prisoners, but was afterwards repulsed with heavy loss. He then rapidly retired towards Philadelphia. On the twenty-fifth