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of true history, and peace the heavenly messenger and intimate companion of the human race, in its gradual development towards its sublime and predicted destiny. Liberty and peace, my beloved German brethren-let us on this solemn occasion pay our homage to these august forms as messengers from God. The love of liberty, though sometimes concealed from our feeble understandings, is engraved by God on our immortal minds. It manifests itself even in infancy and childhood. But alas! how often men utterly fail to penetrate into the nature of true liberty; and hence revolutions and religious wars begin-brother fights against brother-the father kills the son. pass over in mournful silence the famous Peloponesian wars, ruining the most glorious people of antiquity, and the devastating civil wars among the Romans, with their fearful orgies of blood. Passing by the carnage of the thirty years' war, in our own countries, and the butcheries of men of all rank and station during the first French revolution, and the so-called battles of freedom in the time of Napoleon, let us look for a moment at the tragic events of a history whose storms have only lately blown over our heads. France, Germany, Hungary, Italy !-only a short time ago their streets and fields were covered with human carcasses. In France and Germany the blood of their sons was shed over the length and breadth of the land. What needless sacrifices! Oh the madness of man to attempt to found true liberty in the blood of their brothers! Poor Hungary !-land of mourning!-thou didst fall like a second Poland; right conceptions of liberty did not shine upon thee. And Italy! noble-minded! liberty-loving Italy! thou, too, didst struggle for thy rights in seeking the overthrow of a tyrannic priesthood, but thy fate has proved that neither the sharp edge of the sword nor the annihilating balls of the cannon will ever be able to bring forth that so much-desired good, that real summum bonum of mankind, Peace!

But true liberty is not confined to this world; it is a freedom in God, an imperishable freedom for which the Saviour of mankind died on the Cross. And this is the freedom which links man with man in universal brotherhood, and unites mankind in one indivisible whole, and will finally fill the world itself with joy and gladness and heavenly peace. It has the Christian religion for its source and foundation, and wherever Christ our Saviour is to be found there will be true freedom and peace. Nor with this do we fear bayonets and war, or require them for our protection, as Guizot is wont to assure us; for the Divine Governor is able to check the tyranny of a ruler, as well as the licentiousness of a mob. We may be laughed at for our confidence in this safeguard; but Christ our Lord, the Prince of Peace, is able to compose the agitations of nations, and the results of momentous events near at hand will make them wise even in spite of themselves. My German brethren, let us unite with the Italian, the French, and the praiseworthy Britons, in placing ourselves under the protection of the Prince of Peace, and struggle together to usher in the new era of the universal peace of the world.

Mr. STEINITZ at the conclusion, said, in English, he could not sit down without expressing to this society, in the name of his German brethren present, his heart-felt gratitude to them for their noble efforts in this glorious cause. They were indebted to the society, and to Englishmen generally, for many things. What land had given them the Bible in 130 languages? What land had sent hundreds and hundreds of faithful missionaries to preach the everlasting gospel to the heathen? England! From England faithful men were now going forth and crying "Peace on earth, and good will among men." The cry would re-echo to the remotest parts of the earth. Oh! that the God of peace would grant to each one that peace which passeth knowledge, that peace which the world could neither give nor take away; and that each might endeavour to disseminate the great principles of peace among his fellow-men.

The resolution having been put to the meeting, and carried unanimously, and a collection having been made,

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The Rev. THOMAS SPENCER moved the next resolution :"That this meeting hails with deep and unqualified satisfaction the Great Exhibition of the Industry of all Nations, now open in this metropolis, as full of benignant augury to the world, by bringing together the nations of the earth into relations of mutual friendship and dependence, and by presenting as objects of admiration and peaceful rivalry the marvellous triumphs of the arts of peace, in place of the destructive and sanguinary glories of war; and this meeting greatly rejoices in the efforts that are now making by the committee of the Peace Society, to prepare suitable publications, in the leading languages of Europe, with a view to the diffusion, by means of our foreign visitors, of the principles of permanent and universal peace among the various nations of the earth."

There was one speech which might well have been delivered to night, and that was the speech of our gracious Queen on the opening of the Great Exhibition, which was distinctly a speech in favour of peace; and if the meeting had been commenced with prayer, he knew of no prayer more suitable than that of the Archbishop of Canterbury on the same occasion. Nor, if this meeting were large enough, did he know of any party who had a greater right to meet in that glass palace. It was said that those who lived in glass houses should not throw stones; men of peace did not desire to throw stones, and therefore they might live in glass houses. The grand thing in any movement of this kind was to ascertain whether the thing itself was right, and whether they were going the right way to gain it. It was a grand thing for

every Englishman to know that the court of appeal in any movement of the day was an assembly of his fellow-men. No man could read the history of England without perceiving that, though we lived under a government of King, Lords, and Commons, and though we had the best of monarchs on the throne, it was public opinion which governed the nation; and that King, Lords, and Commons, bowed to that opinion whenever it was distinctly and unmistakeably pronounced. What was it which abolished slavery in the West Indies? It was not the King, the Lords, or the Commons, for they were all against abolition; but it was the conviction of the people of England. In the same manner, when the people wanted their correspondence to be a little cheaper, they said, "Give us the penny post of Rowland Hill;" and the government gave it them. In the same way we had been for a long time burdened with the corn-laws, and might have had them still, but Richard Cobden and other men laboured amongst the people, and when they spoke the thing was done. We were, therefore, perfectly satisfied that, if our cause were right, this is the right court to bring it into. But was it a right cause? The Old Testament, at first sight, appeared a very warlike book; and there were those who said that he who sanctioned war once must sanction it for ever. But the wars of the Old Testament no more sanctioned war now than the willingness of Abraham to offer his son in sacrifice sanctioned a father in slaying his son now. Look at the prophecies that have been alluded to, and we should see that the Old Testament was in favour of peace wherever God had not commanded war. The New Testament was a peace book from beginning to end. Look at the declarations of the Prince of Peace, in his sermon on the mount, "Blessed are the peace-makers;" not the tame lookers-on, but those who strove to promote peace on earth. It had been said that the Saviour, when he said, "If a man smite thee on the right cheek turn unto him the other," could never have meant this literally; but he did mean it; and when his own cheek was smitten he merely asked why it was smitten? This was the example we were to follow; it was the not stooping to the bad passions of other men that raised us above them. We saw this not only in our Lord himself, but we found that as soon as a man became a Christian he became a peaceable man. This was the case with Saul of Tarsus, who, though before his conversion he breathed out threatenings and slaughter, we find afterwards recommending peace, and saying, "Dearly beloved, avenge not yourselves." The cause would therefore stand the test of scripture. Again, every attempt to attain particular ends by other means than these had been a blunder. Look, for instance, at the time of Charles I. He was trying to rule England without a parliament, and to tax the people without a law. The people rose, and were very angry, and they cut off his head. What was the consequence? Sympathy was excited and created a reaction; he was called the martyr-king, and they brought back his son to the throne, and had a worse king than before. On the other hand, when James II. tried to re-establish the Roman Catholic religion contrary to his oath, the people said, "We won't stand it; but we won't cut off his head, or we shall have another king like him." Therefore they gave him notice to quit, and invited William III. to sit on his throne, and we had not had a Stuart on the throne since. The French made the same blunder. They cut off the head of Louis XVI., and by and bye they had another Louis in his place, and they suffered the penalty. But when Charles X. acted in a similar way they only banished him, and the consequence was, that they did not get another Charles X. Look at what took place in the revolutionary year 1848. There were revolutions in Germany, in Austria, in Italy; the Pope, and the Emperor of Austria, and the King of Prussia ran away; but the men who raised these commotions committed bloodshed, and the consequence has been, that the Pope, and the Emperor, and the King, had come back again, and everything remained as before. Look at what we, as a country, are paying a national debt for. America said, "We won't take your tea with a tax upon it." England tried to put her down by force, and the expenses of that war are now an obstacle to everything we would do. The result was a separation, which had since become, however, a thing to be rejoiced in, for America was a better customer to us now than she was before. So, when we spent some £600,000 in endeavouring to restore the royal family of France against the wishes of the people, what had been the result? Who was the chief man in France now? He (Mr. S.) had only to add to these proofs of the folly of war, the test of the opposite principle. Men were mistaken in supposing America to be a single country, merely divided into counties like our own. It was a continent, and each state was a separate nation; but they were bound to each other by treaties which did not allow of war, all disputes being settled by a congress of nations assembled on neutral ground at Washington. If this could only be done in Europe, how magnificent would be the result. He had, in conclusion, great pleasure in seconding the resolution; trusting that, as the confusion of tongues came at the tower of Babel, so the union of hearts and of tongues might come with the meeting of all nations in the Crystal Palace.

Mr. JOSEPH STURGE, in seconding the resolution, referred to Mr. Hume's motion on the subject of the Borneo massacre, which had been postponed in consequence of the absence of Rajah Brooke. As he had now arrived in this country, Mr. Hume would, of course, press his motion; but unless he were supported out of doors it was feared he would not be successful. Mr. Cobden's motion was seventh on the list, and, therefore, there was no chance

of his bringing it forward for a fortnight. It was desirable that the influence of electors should be brought to bear on both these points.

SIGNOR SALVATORE FERRETTI, Editor of the Eco di Savonarola, spoke as follows in Italian :

As I shall be understood but by few, I shall say only two or three words. I have no doubt that war viewed from any point from which we can duly estimate it, has been, and always will be, an abomination. All things are against it. The Gospel, morality, reason, political economy, commerce, science-all things, in fact, which emanate from God; and it is favoured only by those things which emanate from the devil. In a word, I as a Christian hold war in horror, simply because it is opposed to the spirit and precepts of the Gospel. The New Testament condemns it from the first page to the last. It is written in that divine book not only that we must pardon our enemies, but that we must do them good, and above all love them. Now, in what way can the Christian soldier put in practice such precepts? Can he obey two masters-God, who commands him to love his enemy, and war, which commands him to hate his enemy, and to do him the greatest possible evil? For my part, I have strong doubts of the sincerity of those military men who wish by love or force to pass for Christians. It appears to me that it is a burlesque of Christ and his Gospel-of that Gospel which is all peace, all love, all pardon. That he should admit the principle of war who is not a Christian does not surprise me, seeing that the heart of man is by nature inclined to evil rather than to good; but that he should admit of it who with sincerity of heart believes in God and Jesus Christ, appears to me a problem too difficult to solve. He who steals, even though he do it to relieve the poor, or to promote the glory of God, by giving the money to religious societies, is still a thief; and in the same way he who kills is an assassin, though he does it to save his country, his family, or himself. The Apostles and the primitive Christians declared altogether against war. Jesus Christ came not to save mankind sword in hand on a field of battle; he was led like a lamb to the slaughter, and he conquered the world, not by taking the lives of men, but by giving his own life for them. Yes, I will repeat, war is an abomination. It is a thousand times more absurd, more unjust, more ridiculous, more shameful, and more wicked than the Inquisition of the popes or the slave-trade. War, sooner or later, will be abolished, and all the nations of the earth shall form but one family. The Holy Scriptures announce this blessed epoch. "The days shall come," say they," in which the wolf shall feed with the lamb, in which men shall learn war no more, and in which there shall be one flock and one Shepherd."

The Rev. Mr. GABNET (a coloured minister from New York) made some allusions to the Congress at Frankfort, and expressed his warm adhesion to the principles of universal peace. He denied the assertion that the promulgators of peace principles were tame and spiritless men who would submit to any indignity without resistance; it was the warlike mode of resistance which they abjured.

The resolution was put, and unanimously agreed to.

J. S. BUCKINGHAM, Esq., proposed the third resolution—

"That this meeting deeply deplores the unhappy war now raging in South Africa, not only on account of the waste of human life and property which it involves, but as reflecting serious discredit upon our national character; it being obvious that this and the preceding conflicts which have desolated the same region, have sprung from a system of unrighteous aggression on our part, by which the territories of the natives have been, under various pretexts, torn from them by violence. That while this meeting laments the grievous injury which will be inflicted by this war upon those promising Christian missions which had been planted in that country, and which are now likely to suffer, for a second time, utter ruin and dispersion; it cherishes the hope that those who are the friends of missions will see, from this and other examples, how closely identified is the success of their enterprise with the prevalence of Peace principles, especially among the nations that profess Christianity."

The war in Africa (he said) was one of the most striking examples, in our own day, of the folly and injustice of the system which had been that night condemned. Of all the ridiculous modes in which money was wasted, that was the most ridiculous which would attempt to take barren, useless, and uncultivated forests and deserts from people who were happy enough in them, and appropriate them to ourselves, to whom they could be of no manner of use. England had now in her colonial possessions more than three millions of acres of land untouched by the spade or the plough. The same principle was carried on by the French with regard to Algeria-a colony which cost them many more millions than it could ever return to them. He believed, if the colonists at the Cape of Good Hope were left to manage their own affairs, and the army removed, there would be none of those incursions of which we now heard so much. Why did men enter the army? Professedly for the love of their country and the love of glory, but really and truly for the merc vulgar consideration of pounds, shillings, and pence. The whole system of he contended, was rotten, immoral, and abominable, from the beginning to the end. He trusted that public sentiment on this subject would manifest itself by showing less honour and respect for the glories of military triumph; and that such a revolution of public opinion would take place, that the Duke of Wellington should not be selected as the only fit and proper man to have his statue placed in front of the Royal Exchange.

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Rev. J. DOMBRE, a French Protestant Pastor, then addressed the meeting

in French, and was received by the audience with the warmest demonstrations of favour. He said, I am not about to make a speech, but to bear a testimony. Before I do so, however, to the object of this meeting permit me to do it to the meeting itself. For us foreigners it is a surprising and admirable spectacle to see these great multitudes thus assembling together under the impulse of a moral idea, to occupy themselves for many hours with one of the great interests of humanity. A people among whom questions of this order have so much power must certainly be a noble people, worthy to serve as a model to others. I wished first to make that remark, because my heart was full. As to the object itself of your society, your worthy and honourable president explained it to me in two words, which appear to me full of force and truth. "We wish," he said, "the abolition of war, because it is in our eyes altogether a folly and a crime." Yes, you are right; war is a crime, an abominable crime. For a man to arm himself in cold blood in order to slay his fellow-man, his brother, is a fact which revolts the conscience, and will occasion astonishment to future ages. But they tell you that you are pursuing a chimera, a mere utopia, and that you are yourselves senseless. Gentlemen, I do with my whole heart pity those poor sages of the world who are so prompt to treat as chimeras all those noble realities (realities, if there were ever such), the objects of faith and life to great souls, and to all, indeed, however humble they may be, who live under the influence of something higher than what they can taste and touch. To these men every thing is a chimera and an utopia. The fidelity of a friend or a husband is a chimera! good faith, compassion, humanity, a chimera! God, the moral world, a future life, chimeras! Nothing is real but to eat and drink! They call you mad! but is there one of the men whom God has from time to time inspired with a great thought, which he has marked with his own seal, who has not been taxed with madness by his own contemporaries? The illustrious Florentine was mad who revealed the law of the physical world as you have revealed the law of the moral world, and who, persecuted for his faith, reiterated in his dungeon, with the sublime obstinacy of genius, "It does move, though!" Yes, you may also say, as you have a right to say, "God does his work, though, and the times are being accomplished." That heroic adventurer was mad who, carrying a world in his thought, went, a sublime mendicant, from court to court to offer it to sovereigns who would not have it, and yet to him had God said, "Thou shalt found the cradle of a free and pacific people; thou shalt discover a world!" Those twelve Galileans were mad who wished to convert the world to faith in the poor crucified Nazarene; that Paul was mad who announced that the barriers between people and people had fallen, and that all men should be united in one common love. But the greatest madman of all was their Master, who had inspired them with these strange ideas, who first spoke of man as the family of God, of the union of all hearts, of universal peace and fraternity, and who came to suffer and to die for all. And yet it was this madman who died, who (as the most popular of our poets says) has bequeathed God to us. This madman has saved the world! Ah! then, let us be mad with the Galileans, with the Columbuses, with the Johns and Pauls-let us be mad with Jesus Christ. Honour to you, gentlemen, who pursue in spite of all these doubts and railleries your sublime and sacred work! the time is auspicious to you; this surely is not the moment to treat your ideas as dreams and utopias. What is this pacific gathering of all the peoples which this great city has promoted, if it be not a remarkable step in that career which, with a noble faith, you have traced for humanity! All the nations, invited by yours, are come to place here in common the products of their genius, the first-fruits of the communion of their hearts. Your Crystal Palace appears to me as the peristyle of that temple of concord and universal peace, the foundation of which you wish to lay. May God bless your generous efforts! Courage and confidence! You are labouring in the plans and spirit of Jesus Christ, and the future belongs to you.

The Rev. J. SIBREE briefly supported the resolution, which passed unanimously.

The Rev. H. RICHARD proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman for his presidency at the meeting. The resolution having been seconded by E. THOMAS, Esq., and carried, was briefly responded to by the Chairman, after which the meeting separated.

UNIFORMITY OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. SOME of our readers will remember that at the Paris Congress a French gentleman, of the name of M. Hippolyte Peut, laid a series of propositions before the assembly, tending, as he observed, to the permanent "organisation of peace." His object was to form a great international association, in order to promote practical measures for accelerating the substantial unity of the human race. Among the objects which he commended to the attention of such a body, one was, "uniformity of weights and measures among all nations. Mr. James Yates, one of the English delegation, having been much struck with this suggestion, and thinking the Great Exhibition an excellent opportunity for doing something towards the realisation of this idea, wrote a long and very able letter to M. Peut, in which expressing his own conviction, which we believe is that of most others, that the French system of weights,

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and monies, is constructed on a principle more reasonable, more scientific, and more convenient for commercial purposes than our own, he suggests that means should be taken to secure the display, at the Exhibition, of a complete assortment of these measures, accompanied by suitable and complete explanations of their uses and advantages. M. Peut has published this letter in La Patrie newspaper, together with a long article of his own enforcing the request. "I have had many conversations with our vice-president, M. Coquerel," says Mr. Yates, "respecting your proposition, who thinks with me, that the system of weights and measures established among you is the only system of metrology founded on an exact and rational principle, and the only one, consequently, which can become universal." In commenting on this, M. Pent observes :-" Our metrical system, in effect, ought to be considered much less as a national than as a universal system, because it has its foundation in nature, and does not depend on local habits, on private considerations, or individual interests. Our feeling, as Frenchmen, therefore, should be, not to pride ourselves on its being established in our country, which would be puerile, but to labour for its extension throughout the world, and its successive introduction among all nations, that they may partake of its advantages, and thus the ties of confraternity which bind them to us may be drawn nearer. Uniformity of weights, measures, and monies, is, with steam navigation, railways, the press, the electric telegraph, free-trade, &c. one of the elements of that great revolution, which sooner perhaps than we may imagine, must infallibly change the face of old Europe, and probably transform it, first, into one vast federative state, something like the American Union; and, finally, into one nation, having the same laws, the same institutions, the same necessities, the same opinions, the same tendencies. The exclusive spirit of nationality, hostilities of race, old fermentations of jealousy and aversion, are the consequence of the isolation of the populations. When men shall know each other better; when the principal cities of Europe can correspond with each other with the rapidity of thought; when Paris shall be only a few hours distant from Vienna, Berlin, and Moscow; when the peoples, reciprocally united by incessant and daily relations, shall emigrate in mass, the one to the other; when the inhabitants of the banks of the Seine, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Vistula, shall well understand that they have, and ought to have, one and the same interest,—war will no longer be more possible between the states which are at present called Prussia, Austria, and France, than it would be now between the departments of the Rhone, the Gironde, and the Nord."

For our own part, we heartily wish well to this idea, of uniformity in weights, measures, and monies. We believe that among those who are engaged in international commerce, the want of it occasions

immense trouble, cost, and embarrassment; and we hail every measure that would tend, as this most assuredly would, to facilitate the practical recognition of that sublime declaration of the divine oracle, that "God hath made of one blood all nations of men to dwell upon the face of the earth."

CONFERENCE OF THE FRIENDS OF PEACE AT THE HALL OF COMMERCE.

A highly respectable and influential meeting of the friends of Peace was held at the Hall of Commerce, London, on Friday, the 23rd of May, to receive the report of the Peace Congress Sub-Committee, and to decide on the necessary measures of preparation for the Fourth Peace Congress, which will assemble in the Metropolis in July next. The meeting had been called by circular, issued by the Sub-Committee, and gentlemen responded to the call from Edinburgh, Birmingham, Bristol, Cirencester, Doncaster, London, Rochester, Southampton, Staines, and a number of other places. The Conference was characterised by a spirit of undiminished interest in the objects of the Peace movement. The proceedings of the interim SubCommittee were cordially and unanimously approved, and a strong and earnest hope was expressed that the approaching Congress would exceed the preceding ones in vigour and efficiency. It was felt that the holding of the Congress in London would require that every possible exertion should be made to maintain the high character which the friends of Peace in this country have secured, by the delegations they have furnished to the three former Congresses, and to prove to the world that to them the cause loses none of its attractions when divested of the inviting associations connected with a Continental tour. This, it was thought, should be impressed especially upon the Secretaries and members of Auxiliary Peace Societies in every part of the United Kingdom, that they might be induced to adopt without delay such measures as are calculated to secure a large and efficient delegation to the forthcoming Congress. The former Peace Congress Committee, with some slight alterations and a few additions, were re-appointed, and the Conference closed its proceedings, which had been conducted throughout with the most perfect unanimity.

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THE HERALD OF PEACE.

"Put up thy sword into his place: for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword."-MATT. xxvi. 52. "They shall beat their swords into plough-shares, and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more."-ISAIAH ii. 4.

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THE PEACE CONGRESS IN LONDON. THIS great event is now rapidly approaching, and as this is the last opportunity we shall have of communicating with our readers before the time has arrived, we earnestly ask their attention to some points of the first importance. It is surely needless to urge upon the friends of the extreme urgency peace of the occasion. It will constitute a great crisis in the history of our movement; and the degree of interest and zeal now displayed by any individual or body may be taken as a fitting and infallible test of the reality and depth of their attachment to the cause. No amount of profession, however loud, can save a man's sincerity from impeachment, who is not prepared to make some effort or sacrifice to give effect to his principles, at a moment so auspicious. There are very pregnant symptoms everywhere displaying themselves that, in spite of the scorn with which some of" the wise men of this world" affect to treat this agitation, it is gaining marvellous power over public opinion in this country; and the coming Congress presents precisely one of "those tides in the affairs of men," which if wisely and vigorously "taken at the flood," may lead to great and lasting results. It is possible for us now, by united and strenuous exertion, to make such a demonstration in favour of peace, to obtain such a representation of the intellect, the virtue, the moral and religious worth of the people of England, as shall command the secret respect, if it does not silence the flippant tongue, of those who are most inclined to sit in the seat of the scorner. We entreat our friends to remember that this is no ordinary occasion. Excuses for inaction, which might pass current at another time, will not do so now. If, therefore, there be any Peace Society in any part of the kingdom that has grown lukewarm and languid, sunk into that state of suspended animation which makes it indifferent to everything, we say, this is the time to renew your strength, now is the period to "awake, arise, or be for ever fallen.'

We speak thus, however, not because we have any ground for apprehension. On the contrary, we are receiving daily testimonies that our friends are nobly bestirring themselves, in every part of the kingdom. Many meetings have been already held for the appointment of delegates, and communications are pouring upon us from all quarters, indicating the deep interest which the matter is exciting, wherever there is even a spark of life remaining.

The Committee has already issued two circulars in reference to the election of delegates. In the former they say, after adverting to the extreme importance of the occasion:

"Allow us, therefore, respectfully and earnestly to recommend that, in conjunction with the friends of the Peace cause in your neighbourhood, you adopt as early as possible such measures as your discretion may dictate, to obtain the appointment of competent gentlemen as delegates to represent your locality at the above Congress; and that as far as your influence extends you will kindly prompt the various associated bodies in your district,

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whether religious, civic, or literary, to elect suitable persons to represent them also on this great occasion.

"While wishing to avoid everything approaching to dictation, the Committee suggest that the following parties would be peculiarly eligible :

"Ministers of religion, or members of Christian Societies, who may be nominated by the churches with which they stand connected.

"Officers or members of Auxiliary Peace Societies, or branches of the League of Universal Brotherhood, who shall be appointed by these bodies respectively.

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'Delegates elected at public meetings called for this purpose in any city, town, or district.

"Representatives of religious, philanthropic, or literary associations, whether for local, national, or foreign operations.

"Members of the British Legislature, or of civic or municipal bodies, provided the parties agree in the fundamental principle of the Congress.

"The Committee will retain the power of nominating gentlemen otherwise qualified, but who may not desire, or are not in a position to be deputed in any of the above methods, on their communicating direct with the secretaries, frankly stating the necessary particulars.

following fundamental principle of the Congress, and any election Every delegate will be expected to hold and maintain the where this principle is not recognised and admitted will be considered void.

"That an appeal to arms for the purpose of effecting the settlement of differences between nations is a custom condemned alike by religion, reason, justice, humanity, and the interest of peoples; and that it is therefore the duty of the civilized world to adopt measures calculated to bring about the entire abolition of war.'

"It is highly desirable that the delegates should be men of known standing, of ascertained character, and, if possible, of local influence; and it would contribute to the greater efficiency of the appointment were they adapted, on their return, to give permanent effect to the objects of the Congress throughout the district in which they reside."

The other we give entire, and beg our friends to draw the attention of ministers of religion to it everywhere. It has been, and will be, very extensively circulated, but as it is quite impossible that we can from the office send a copy to all the members of that profession throughout the kingdom, (amounting as they do to many thousands) we beg our readers to consider this as sufficient authority to entitle them to present the subjoined circular, in the name of the Committee, to any respectable minister within the circle of their acquaintance :"Peace Congress Committee, 19, New Broad Street, June 20th, 1851. "Rev. Sir,-We have been requested by the Peace Congress Committee, specially to direct your attention to the great International Peace Congress that is to be held in London on the 22nd of July, and the following days. The basis on which the Congress will be constituted, is the following proposition, to which, it is presumed, no Christian man can refuse to subscribe :

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"That an appeal to arms for the purpose of effecting the settlement of differences between nations, is a custom condemned alike by religion, reason, justice, humanity, and the interests of peoples; and that it is therefore the duty of the civilized world to

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