battle! Praying the God of life, love, and infinite mercy, to qualify and sustain them, and strengthen their arms against men who knew nothing of the quarrel in which they were engaged (hear). War was inconsistent with Christianity, further, as developed in its highest successes. In the details of the battle of Waterloo, it was stated that the men formed immense square columns; and while they were being mowed down column after column, the Great General, being in the centre, heard the cry, "Lead us on! The answer was, "No; you must stand firm!" and the men stood firm. What a scene! Immortal men standing firm at the command of a fellow-man, while God had denounced all enmity or hatred to brethren (hear). Again; Christianity looked with kindness on the wounds of human nature, on sorrow and sighing, on the blanched cheek of the widow and the mournful cravings of the fatherless child. But War made widows and orphans; slew the strength of the father, and the hope of the mother, and produced the very spirit which Christianity repelled (hear). Then, look at the men versed in scenes of war. They become the champions and advocates of standing armies, that they might have higher preferments, and acquire nobler names in the fields of battle. If war brought men to love the peace of home, and to say, "We will have no more of it," there might be some alleviation; but such men had no brighter toasts at their great feasts than "a sickly season and a bloody war! (hear, hear.) Those who truly desired the prosperity of the country would never think of returning an officer of the army or navy to Parliament (much cheering). The lecturer then adverted to the influence exerted by the war system on the condition and character of those engaged in it. An old soldier was unfit to occupy any useful post. Also, its influence on the country in which it raged. Women held the plough, carried burdens, and performed arduous toil; while the old men looked on, and the children looked forward to be engaged in "glorious war." The lecturer concluded by showing how Christianity might resist the spirit of war. Let Christianity be properly understood, and made to appear in its maiden purity and heaven-born simplicity, without the trappings of state, or the authority of man (hear). Let it be for a by-word that a man, be he prelate or priest, who blessed men or banners, or gave countenance to war, should be thought fit to be a minister of Christ (cheers). Let the peaceful and benevolent principles of Christianity become "familiar as household words." Let there be an active and generous spirit on the part of the friends of Peace. Let them exercise all the privileges of citizenship, so that war might become a game kings could not play at." Let them hold their purse-strings tight, and refuse to pay war taxes, that their rulers might know that the impolicy and injustice of war was clearly understood and felt-(cheers)-and finally, let the borders of the Peace Society be enlarged by every possible means. So would the time be hastened forward when peace should universally prevail, and all nations rejoice in the sway of the Prince of Peace. The lecturer was much cheered at the close.-A gentleman asked what the lecturer thought of Oliver Cromwell? The lecturer replied that he was a great admirer of Oliver Cromwell, believing him to be the best monarch that had ever ruled England, except Queen Victoria (prolonged cheering). He believed Cromwell thought war necessary; but if he had held his (the lecturer's) views, he would not have gone to war (cheers).-E. Perry, Esq., moved a resolution of thanks to the lecturer, which was seconded by Mr. J. Standing, and supported by Mr. F. Crow, from Central America, and carried with much cordiality. This vote was acknowledged by Dr. Massie, who expressed a hope that Christian ministers would soon see more clearly their duty in reference to

the Peace Movement.

OPERATIONS OF THE PEACE SOCIETY.

ON Tuesday the 17th December, Mr. Richard and Mr. Stokes met at Newcastle-on-Tyne, where in the evening they attended a conference of the leading friends of peace, who had been invited to meet them to tea at the Temperance Hotel. A long and very interesting conversation took place on the best means of promoting the peace cause, in the town and its neighbourhood. Some detailed accounts were given of the measures already adopted, and a variety of suggestions thrown out by the deputation and others, which were received with great interest and cordiality, and will, it is hoped, lead to renewed life and activity on the part of our friends at Newcastle.

On Wednesday the 18th, the Anniversary of the Newcastle Peace Society was held at the Victoria Room, Jonathan Priestman, Esq., in the chair. The Report was read by Mr. Barkas, one of the secretaries. Itwas an able and interesting document, and referred to the various forms of action undertaken by the Society during the last three years. The adoption of this Report was moved by Mr. Charlton and seconded by Mr. Foster. The second resolution, moved by Mr. Hills, and seconded by Mr. Edward Richardson; proposed, "that the Newcastle Peace Society, instead of existing as heretofore as a separate and independent organization, should henceforth be incorporated as an auxiliary with the London Peace Society," which was carried unanimously. The third resolution, moved by Mr. Richard and seconded by Mr. Stokes, was to the effect, "that the meeting, regarding war as a barbarous and unchristian practice, and as an irrational and totally inefficient means for the right decision of international differences, rejoices in the efforts now making for its abolition, and reverently desires, that by the Divine blessing these efforts may be speedily successful." The appointment of the committee was then moved, and a vote of thanks presented to the deputation, in proposing which, the Rev. J. Pottinger, Baptist minister, expressed his entire and cordial approval of the principles and objects of the Peace Society, and his willingness to co-operate in their extension. For many years there have been in the town of Newcastle, a few as earnest and devoted friends of peace as may be found in any part of the kingdom, who have laboured with unwearied assiduity, as well as with great intelligence and practical wisdom, in this department of christian philanthropy. We think that they have done well to associate themselves with the London Society, and we trust that many new recruits will rally around the small peace band already existing, so as to enable them still more effectually to go forth to the help of the Lord against the mighty.

On Thursday, the 19th, Mr. Richard and Mr. Stokes attended a meeting at the Seamen's Lecture Hall, South Shields; Scott, Esq., in the chair. The subject was almost new to the inhabitants of this town, and though the attendance was not large, the attention with which the audience listened to the addresses of the deputation was very gratifying. At the close of the meeting some eight or ten gentlemen came forward and gave their names for the formation of a Committee to organize a Peace Society in South Shields.

On Friday, the 20th, a meeting was held at North Shields, when Mr. Stokes and Mr. Richard addressed a respectable audience on the evils of war, and the means proposed by the Peace Society for their removal.

January 2nd, Mr. Richard delivered a lecture at the Friends' Meeting House, Croydon. John Morland, Esq., in the chair. The audience was numerous and very attentive, and a suggestion made by the lecturer at the close of his address, for the formation of a Peace Association at Croydon, was cordially responded to, which our friends in that town will, we doubt not, take care to turn to account.

January 9th, Mr. Richard delivered a lecture on the evils of standing armies, at the Concert Rooms, Lord Nelson Street, Liverpool, Lawrence Hey worth, Esq., M.P., in the chair. On the platform were Richard Rathbone, Esq., J. B. Cooke, Esq., R. V. Yates, Esq., R. Smith, Esq., Rev. Francis Bishop, and many other gentlemen. This was the first of a course of lectures in the same place, that have been got up by the exertions of the Liverpool Peace Society. The Rev. John Burnet and the Rev. Thomas Spencer, and others have taken part in the series, which we trust will be the means of reviving and extending the peace cause in Liverpool.

January 10th, Mr. Richard lectured in the Town Hall, at Mold, where a good audience was gathered, on a very short notice Mr. E. Williams presided, and the meeting was also addressed in Welsh by the Rev. Roger Edwards, and other gentlemen.

January 13th, a public meeting was held at the Wesleyan Chapel, Nantwich, William Smith, Esq., President of the Local Peace Society, in the chair. The large chapel was well filled with a respectable and most attentive audience. Mr. Samuel Harlock, the secretary, read the report, detailing the operations of the auxiliary during the past year. Mr. Richard addressed the meeting at considerable length, and was followed by the minister of the Wesleyan Association body, Mr. Samuel Moore, Mr. Barker, Rev. Mr. Hornblower, and others, who delivered able and animated addresses.

TIDINGS FROM THE CONTINENT. ONE of the most obvious advantages arising from holding Peace Congresses in the different countries of Europe, is the opportunity it affords of linking together men of similar principles, aims, and aspirations, in one common chain of sympathy and co-operation. Few things have so inspiring an effect on the minds of those who are toiling in obscurity and discouragement, to plant in the world's heart the seed of some great idea, as to find that there are earnest spirits in other lands imbued with the same convictions, and working silently and steadily to the same issues. We have had the most pleasant and cheering indications that such there are, scattered here and there over the countries of Europe, who are not merely well-disposed to the cause of Peace and human brotherhood, but who are cherishing high purposes and resolves in regard to it, and who possess that power of soul and heart, that energy of will, that lofty and contagious enthusiasm, which fit them to generate an influence deep-rooted, and widespread, over the convictions and character of others. We deem it of the utmost importance that those moral sentinels should keep up a constant communication with each other; that in the general darkness which envelopes them they should hail each other, during their long vigil, with the cry, Watchman, what of the night!" so that each may in turns respond, for the encouragement of all, as they behold, from the respective stations they occupy, sign that the morning is about to tiptoe on the misty mountain tops"-" Watch on, cheerily, brother, for the day is breaking!"

66

stand

Besides which, we consider, that this inter-communion between the advocates of great truths, may be of great practical advantage in times of emergency and peril. They may give to each other the signal of approaching danger, so that should misunderstanding or menace appear on the political horizon, especially between the nations they severally represent, they may act in concert to rouse the counter-element of kind and brotherly feeling among the people, and thus avert the outbreaks of hostility, which the selfishness of rulers, or the pragmatical folly of diplomatists may occasion. It is with no ordinary pleasure that we introduce to our readers this month several communications from our foreign friends, which we are sure will interest them deeply. The first is from Dr. Bodenstedt, whose appearance at Frankfort, to invoke the influence of the Congress, for the adjustment of the lamentable quarrel between Denmark and the Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, will not easily be forgotten by those who witnessed it. The fact to whict he adverts in his letter, of his having been placed at the head of one of the most influential papers in Northern Germany, is one whose importance to the cause of Peace, in that country, we can scarcely exaggerate. Dr. Bodenstedt, is a most learned and accomplished man. Some of his writings have attained great popularity in Germany, while his advocacy of our principles ever since the Paris Congress, has been so bold

and consistent, that he is now well-known in his own country as the avowed champion of the Peace idea. We hail with joy and gratitude, the accession of our noble-minded fellowlabourer to his editorial chair.

Bremen, 23rd January, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR.-It is only owing to the manifold business I have on my hands, that I have so long been deferring my answer to your kind letter. I had scarcely finished (now about six weeks ago) the second volume of my travels in the East, when I was heavily struck by the news, that an old friend of mine, the former chief editor of the Weserzeitung (Dr. Arens) had expired, a victim to consumption. In consequence of this fatal event, offers were made to me, to take the lead of the Weserzeitung. It having been the special wish of the late editor, that I might fill his place after his death, I could make no objections, but those I had always made, against the economical principles of the paper, which were rather in the protection way. As you may easily imagine, considerable difficulties arose on this question, they were, however, finally removed by my reiterated protest, that I, as a member of the Peace Congress, whose political principles were essentially connected with, and based on the principles of free-trade, could not, in good conscience, preach to my countrymen the contrary of my belief and convictions. The negotiations lasted some weeks; and as I stood firm, the difficulties were, by degrees, removed, and it was finally agreed upon to give a new direction to the paper. Thus, my sudden departure from Berlin was brought about; I am now living in Bremen, at the head of the most influential paper in northern Germany, and should be more happy in my new situation, if I had not so much work on my hands that I can hardly think of any thing else. I shall, of course, get more leisure time after the difficulties of the first months. As it is, I am not yet enough accustomed to work with the regularity of clockwork. However, you may be sure that I shall, as often as possible, devote an hour or two to the Peace Herald. I have read with great delight, and partly excerpted for the Weserzeitung, the copies you were so kind as to send me, and I will thank you for the continuation. It was my intention to send you, in form of correspondence, a special article for the Herald, in answer to the question proposed in your letter; I must, however, for want of time, give my answer to-day in a few words. To your question-whether the Peace movement is making great progress in Germany-I can cheerfully answer in the affirmative; I must, however, add, that the Peace made in Germany by M. Manteuffel is not much better than war, and consequently no peace in our sense of the word. This peace is not owing to the propagation of sound and Christian ideas, but to the impotence and inconsistency of the statesmen now driving Prussia into ruin. The ridiculous comedy of the "Mobilisation,' (which was the forerunner of the present peace) cost about fifty millions of dollars, and had no other object but an ostentatious display of military forces. This peace will only serve to re-establish the system of Austrian oppression, taxation, and political supremacy in Germany, while it drives the best portion of our country to despair, misery, and finally to the worst of all evils-to revolution. I need not write to you concerning the Duchies. You will find the best information on this subject in the Daily News. But I must tell you a few words on the fate of the poor Hessian people, that have from the beginning of their struggle, until this hour, strictly acted on the principle of Peace and passive resistance. The constitution was broken by the prince-a man judged guilty of a

heavy crime (M. Hassenpflug) and living out of all communication with honest people, was imposed upon the country as Prime Minister! All petitions, all endeavours to get rid of this monster were useless. The Hessians did all they could in the legal way, and opposed to the extravagances and outrages of the Prince and government, nothing but passive resistance. The army, too, refused to obey the unjust and anti-constitutional orders of the government. Hundreds of officers took their leave, because they would not break their oath, nor shed the blood of their brethren in civil war. They were in the beginning encouraged by Prussia, that solemnly declared to make a casus belli of the maintenance of the constitution. Now, what was the consequence? Austria re-established the old Diet, sent Bavarian troops into the country in such numbers, that hundreds of families are starving in consequence of the heavy taxation to which they were forced, in a military way; and hundreds of the first families are emigrating to America, in order to escape the ruin threatening them. Prussia broke her word, and by this her moral power; her military and political power was broken by imperious Austria.

Yours very truly,

BODENSTEDT.

In another part of the letter, Dr. Bodenstedt remarks, in reference to the noble stand made by the Hessians on the principle of passive resistance, "A great deal of this is owing "A great deal of this is owing to the influence of the Peace Congress in Frankfort, which has nowhere in Germany excited so deep an interest, and such warm sympathies, as in Hessia. I must also add, that the promulgation of Mr. Elihu Burritt's Olive Leaf has excited much interest in Germany, especially in Hessia."

The next communication we have the pleasure of submitting to our readers, is from our old and tried friend, M. Visschers. It contains a very able, and extremely interesting sketch, of the present social and political condition of Belgium, drawn by one who, while cherishing for his country feelings of the most ardent patriotism, can neverthless describe its peculiar condition in a spirit of calm and philosophical impartiality. The incidents he relates are full of significance and encouragement-shewing how ideas of military predominance, which, but a comparatively short time ago, ruled society on the continent with almost undisputed sway, are now obliged to yield before the steady growth of an enlightened public opinion. And thus it is everywhere, despite the formidable warlike organizations of our age; intelligence and morality are beginning gradually to confront with an unfearing eye, and question with an undaunted voice, this huge colossus of brute force; and there are some of the more wise among military men who begin to learn the meaning of this omen. The prophecy contained in Mr. Leigh Hunt's ingenious allegory of Captain Sword and Captain Pen, is evidently being accomplished, when, the former having sent a message of scorn to the latter,

"Then replied to his messenger Captain Pen,-
'I'll bring at my back a world of men!'
Out laughed the captains of Captain Sword,
But their chief looked vexed, and said not a word;
For thought and trouble had touched his ears
Beyond the bullet-like sense of theirs,-
And wherever he went, he was 'ware of a sound-
Now heard in the distance, now gathering round;
Which vex'd him to know what the issue might be,
But the soul of the cause of it well guessed he!"

Brussels, January 5th, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,-The discussion of the war budget in our Parliament, has given rise, this year, to more than one incident, and deserves, perhaps, to engage your attention for a moment. You are aware, how, on the continent in general, great value is attached to the organization of a respectable armed force. Every state has a constitution more or less liberal; but, whatever may be its geographical position,-whatever may be its policy,-for want of a sufficient confidence, on the part of the citizens, in their own

strength-the strength of ideas, and the morality of all—it is believed that security, from within and without, depends essentially on the existence of a material force, obeying legal authority, and giving to right, or the appearance of right, a sanction which it could not of itself obtain. Belgium is, perhaps, in a situation which requires, in this respect, special precautions. Invaded, by turns, by the great powers of Europe, it has belonged successively to Spain, to Austria, and to France, until at length European policy incorporated it with the Low Countries. Independent since about twenty years, it is obliged to defend its territories, open on all sides, even against the influence of the ideas and habits of its neighbours, always ready to take advantage of any commotion or overthrow general politics. Is not, then, we are asked, the maintenance of its nationality worth, to Belgium, the six or seven-and-twenty millions of franes which its war budget has cost it annually? Besides the great expense in which an invasion would have involved it, are there not too many examples of the facility with which accomplished facts are ratified? Political education is not complete in Belgium; if communal and provincial liberties are well developed, there always exists among the higher classes a great distrust of the lower classes. The latter are not sufficiently enlightened to be exclusively dependent upon themselves. Prejudices too frequently cause the middle classes to turn instinctively towards the higher classes; they prefer seeing their own proper business managed by another, rather than take the trouble of doing it themselves. A great deal too much is expected from the state. According to bad traditional prejudices, it is to the state that men look to provide for a multitude of wants, to encourage their attempts, and to reward their exertions; without its influence, everything seems to languish, and to be deprived of life.

me.

Independently of security from without, it is believed that the safety of society-its preservation from the consequences of doctrines that are subversive of social order, and the attempts of violent revolutionaries-depends on the vigilance of a power sustained by force. As for the superior or easy classes, they are content to be able to repose in peace, and to say, 'Others watch for I condemn these dangerous doctrines, but I have no need to combat them. I have enough of my own responsibility and business to attend to in the care of bringing up my family,-I leave to the state the duty of diffusing sound doctrines, of watching the evil-minded, and repressing their aggressions. The ministers of religion can effectually help them in that respect; but when I have paid my taxes, I want to be able to sleep in peace, and not be troubled with the plague of politics.'

Such is partly, Sir, the secret by which so many of the continental states, without great national debts, have yet such high budgets. The state is obliged to concern itself with many things which are provided for in England by individual zeal and enterprise. Nevertheless, the excess of the evil will necessarily beget the remedy. In Belgium, particularly, the desire to see great economies in all the public services is very strong. Every branch of administration has been by turns carefully examined and regulated; the expenses have been greatly reduced,—so far, indeed, as that some important services, necessary for the public interest, are here rendered gratuitously, and thus the matter has been, perhaps, carried beyond the limits of a wise economy. Until the conclusion and execution of the definitive treaty with the Netherlands, in 1839, the war budget alone had escaped the minute criticisms of the Chambers, and of public opinion. Shortly after, it may be said that it became the point of interest. A kind of compromise intervened in 1845, when, in consequence of a law for the organization, or rather for the limitation, of the armed force, it seemed that we had arrived at the adoption of a normal budget; but this was only a momentary halt, for very soon the debate recommenced.

I shall not speak of the game of parties who have successively, according to their position and policy, flattered or attacked the army. I shall only concern myself with general questions, and shall indicate only the one division of existing parties in respect of the war budget. In every party (progressive or conservative, catholic and liberal), some were vehement for reductions, and others for what they called the internal and external security of the state. In order to meet the demands of the latter, a new form and a better organization was given to the civic guard. All male inhabitants, from twenty-one to fifty, are called out, and distributed into three classes, according to their age and their condition, as married men or single. In fact, however, none are called

to service but those who can clothe and equip themselves at their own expense; and this gives to the civic guard a conservative character, in distinguishing the propertied from the non-propertied. But, whatever may be done in introducing here this phantom of military organization, we cannot consider the armed citizens as capable of rendering permanent service in time of peace, or in time of war Their organization is rather a concession to temporary exigencies, than a national institution. It occasions an infinite waste of time to commercial men-to all men who have a stated occupation. It is ridiculous to see men twenty years old spending many weeks, often many months, in learning the military exercises. And what shall we say to the example of anarchy which this so called institution gives, when we see men of scientific capacity and social eminence, the élite of the magistracy and the bar, under the military command of men placed far below them-of shoemakers, tailors, and retailers of beer-who have canvassed for and obtained the suffrages at an election! But while some, relying on the institution of the civic guard, think to find there all the guarantees necessary, at least for internal security, there has arisen in the ranks of the army, among the superior officers, a strong antagonism against this citizen-militia. From this has sprung some incidents, which are so much the more painful that they had their origin in motives of very small importance. Certain imprudent words uttered by the military governor of the young princes, relative to the civic guard, some two or three years ago, rendered his dismissal necessary-King Leopold having immediately shown that deference to the citizens. Another fact, more important, and much to be regretted, happened last year: An officer of the army, in a pamphlet which is said to have been previously communicated to the Minister of War, had spoken of the civic guard in unbecoming terms: "The civic guard is," he said, "a real embarrassment, in times of war a cause of disorganization; and for internal security, it is only a cause of troubles and revolutions." The public opinion was greatly excited by the appearance of that pamphlet. The cabinet demanded of the Minister of War (M. Chazal) to inflict a disciplinary punishment on the author, but he, while declaring that he was no party to the publication of the pamphlet, refused this demand, and, when his budget came to be voted, prepared to retire from the cabinet.

The advocates of the system of reduction pursued their agitation this year, some of them proposing to grant for the army only twenty-five millions of francs, leaving the government to employ this sum in the best way they could, in reforming the present system of organization, and in reducing its expenses. The majority of the Chamber of Representatives, with the majority of the cabinet, preferred, without prejudging anything, but manifesting the desire to see economy introduced, to confide to a committee named by the government, the duty of examining all details, all the requirements of the service, all actual events, so as to obtain a complete knowledge of the necessities of the country. The former method of solution did not seem to lead to any permanent result; but the appointment of a committee, with unlimited powers to examine everything, to sift everything, and to make their propositions, even though it did not insure satisfactory results on the score of the reduction of expenses, was neverthless the best method of proceeding, as it combined all in favour of a sum likely to conciliate all parties. The Minister of War, however, M. Brialmont, though he entered office with a disposition to effect retrenchments, would not submit to either of these two methods; he separated himself from his colleagues, and after his retirement the Chamber almost unanimously voted the budget as it was presented.

Thus, you see, within three years, a military governor of the young princes, and two ministers of war, have been defeated, while wishing to defend the old ideas of the supremacy of the

army.

But there is another very curious incident, and altogether unexpected, which, I may say, is almost the counterpart one just like it, which engaged the attention of the English press in the month of December,-I mean the correspondence exchanged between Sir Thomas Hastings and the honourable member for the West Riding, Mr. Richard Cobden. It is now two years since, on the occasion of discussing the war budget, the war minister then in office (M. Chazal) sent a challenge to a member of the Chamber who was appointed to bring up the report on that budget in the name of the central section, which had examined it. But that affair was hushed up. This year, the same honourable member having called in question certain facts alleged by the

former Minister of War, M. Chazal sent another challenge to the Honourable M. Thiefry. He having communicated the note to one of his colleagues, the latter felt it his duty, on the ground of parliamentary privilege, to make it known to the President of the Chamber. The two parties were summoned to appear in the president's cabinet, who, with certain other members, employed their good offices in putting an end to the dispute. A report was prepared; it was declared that, before all things, the privileges of Parliament had been completely protected; then the following note was written, and signed by both parties, which I will quote, notwithstanding the obscurity of its terms, in order to shew what was the mode of conciliation adopted.

"In reference to the fact of 1849, General Chazal accepts the judgment of the honourable men who were witnesses of it. As to the fact of 1851, the friends of M. Thiefry declare, in his name, as he himself has spontaneously declared, that he did not intend to cast suspicion on the veracity of General Chazal. In consequence, the undersigned declare, that the affair ought to be regarded as having ended honourably for both parties.-Done at Brussels, the 17th of January 1851, at half-past one in the morning." Even the hour when the above was signed proves how difficult it was found to arrange the affair. But public opinion was strongly agitated; some accused M. Thiefry of want of courage, and said that he, an old soldier, ought to have answered a challenge in another way than by shewing it to one of his colleagues; others, without any regard to the position of Baron Chazal, as General, former Minister of War, Governor of the Royal Residence, Aide-de-camp to the King, &c., asserted that there was only one thing to do-to bring him before a court of justice like any other delinquent; for you know that, in Belgium, there is a law, since 1836, which forbids duelling, and especially the provocation. There is thus a conflict going on to this hour in Belgium, between the military ideas of a former age, and that respect for law which forms the basis of modern civilization. The supremacy of the one is not conceded without a contest on the part of the other; the two parties are treated with equal respect, as the responses of the Delphic oracle were lost in an ambiguous meaning. But what a difference between the tone of the report of the 17th of January and the letter of Mr. Cobden !

In consideration of the rank of the two parties, only one thing was sought for-to hush up the differences. But the penal sanction had to be found elsewhere. The minister did not bring an action before the courts of justice; but a royal decree, countersigned by M. Rogier as prime minister, has announced the dismissal of Lieut.-General Chazal! Another decree, a few days after, suppressed his office as Governor of the Royal Residence. This sacrifice must have cost much to the king, who highly appreciated the services formerly rendered by General Chazal, and to M. Rogier, who is his particular friend. But you see, Sir, of what weight public opinion is in Belgium; and if, in this respect, we are still far behind England, the Belgian people are marching in your footsteps proximo intervallo! Thus, there is a fourth incident to add to the three I have already mentioned. Here, the ideas of the future-especially of a distant future-do not yet engage much of men's attention. Our population is not biblical; that is to say, they do not, like the Anglo-Saxon race, read and re-read the bible, day by day. Remaining even ignorant of the text of the sacred scriptures, and abandoning themselves in matters of faith to the ministers of religion, as formerly they trusted to the government and their representatives all the temporal affairs of the community, they have not those ideas of ardent charity, that thirst for doing good, that feeling of universal benevolence, which belong to many sects in England, and, beyond the sects, to a large number of men of high character and distinguished abilities.

The Peace Congress, like the comets which, in penetrating unawares into our solar system, shewed the immensity of God's creation, and overturned the ancient systems of astronomy, will thus break that ancient world of prejudices in which exclusive nationalities were consolidated. The idea of humanity has now introduced itself more deeply,-where we thought we should meet an enemy, we find a brother. God is the Father of us all, and before his greatness, how vain appear those who would esteem themselves raised above their fellows! In the presence of his great goodness, how pitiable are those who know only how to hate, and seek to destroy their neighbour, whom he has commanded them to love!-I am, &c.

AUGUSTE VISSCHERS.

MURDER BY COMMAND. "Lights and Shades of a Military Life," is the title of a book, the second edition of which has just been published. It is a translation from the French, and consists of two parts; the first written by the Count de Vigny, who served in the French army, after the first dethronement of Napoleon, and the other by M. Elzar Blazee, who was a soldier of the empire and served under Napoleon. The whole is edited by Sir Charles Napier, the late Commander-in-chief in India, who appends notes to each chapter in the slap-dash military style, which he and other gentlemen of his name so much affect. We shall revert to the volume again, as it affords an insight into soldier-life, and into the principles and feelings on which these victims of a miserable system act, which deserves our especial attention. Our object now, in mentioning the work, is to introduce to our readers one of the most touching and terrible stories we have ever read, to illustrate the frightful operation of the principle of absolute and unreasoning obedience, on which the very existence of an army depends, a principle which must trample under foot all dictates of justice, all feelings of humanity, all remonstrances of conscience, all fear of God, and all regard to man. The story is told at great length in the volume; but our limits compel us to avail ourselves of a very skilful condensation of it, given in one of the recent numbers of "Eliza Cook's Journal," and prefaced, we rejoice to say, by some admirable remarks, which we wish we could cite at length. Speaking of armies, the writer says, "The spirit of the age is preparing to declare itself decisively against them, and then the last remnant of the trained soldier's occupation will be gone. All notions both of the glory and usefulness of fighting having passed away, what will there be left for the institution of standng armies to rest on! They must either consent to be abolished, or to remain a despised and condemned sham." But to our tale, which our readers must remember is not a fiction, but a sad and hideous reality:

"In his first march M. de Vigny falls in with an old chef de bataillon. He was a man of about fifty, with mustaches, tall and stout, his back curved, after the manner of old infantry officers who have carried the knapsack. His features were hard but benevolent, such as you often meet with in the army, indicating, at the same time, the natural goodness of the heart of the man, and the callousness induced by long use to scenes of blood and carnage. This old soldier of the empire is marching along beside a little cart, drawn by a sorry mule, in which sits a womana maniac-whose story he tells with a soldier's frankness, as a part of his own history. The old man had been a sailor in his youth, and at the time of the Directory was captain of a merchantman. From that situation he was promoted, aristocracy being at a discount, to command the Marat, a brig of war, and one of his first duties was to sail with two political prisoners, a young Frenchman and his wife. He supposed that he was to land them at Cayenne, to which place other exiles had previously been despatched in other vessels; but he carried sealed orders from the Directory, which were not to be opened till the vessel reached the Equator. On the passage the captain and his young passengers became greatly attached to each other, so much so that he wished to leave the service, and, with what fortune he had, share and alleviate their fate. In their youth and innocence, and earnest love for each other, the young unfortunates had twined themselves about the rough heart of the sailor, and he regarded them as his children. But there was the ominous letter, bearing the red seals of the Directory, which was to decide their fate-and the time arrived for it to be opened. The seals were broken, and what was the captain's horror to find that it contained an order for him to have the young husband shot, and then to return with the wife to France. After he had read the paper he rubbed his eyes, thinking that they must have deceived him. He could not trust his senses. His limbs trembled beneath him. He could not trust himself to go near the fair young Laura, who looked so happy, with tidings that would blight her existence. What was he to do? He never seems to have thought of leaving the order unexecuted; the iron of unreasoning obedience had seared his soul too deeply for that. The horrid task, revolt at it as he might, was a duty, because he had been ordered to do it. He communicated the order to his victim, who heard his fate with a stoicism worthy of an old Roman. His only thought was for his poor young wife, so fair, and fond, and gentle. He said, with

6

a voice as mild as usual, I ask no favour, Captain. I should never forgive myself if I were to cause you to violate your duty. I should merely like to say a few words to Laura, and I beg you to protect her, in case she should survive me, which I do not think she will.' It is arranged between the victim of slavish obedience, and the victim of the cruelty of the reign of terror, that poor Laura should know nothing of what was to be her husband's fate. She is put into a boat at night and rowed from the ship, while the tragedy is being acted out; but she sees the flash of the muskets, her heart tells her too plainly what has happened, and her reason fails under the shock. At the moment of firing she clasped her hand to her head, as if a ball had struck her brow, and sat down in the boat without fainting, without shrieking, without speaking, and returned to the brig with the crew when they pleased and how they pleased.' The old Captain spoke to her, but she did not understand him. She was mute, rubbing her pale forehead, and trembling as though she were afraid of everybody, and thus she remained an idiot for life. The Captain returned to France with his charge, got himself removed into the land-forces, for the sea-into which he had cast innocent blood-was unbearable to him; and had continued to watch over the poor imbecile as a father over his child. M. de Vigny saw the poor woman; he says, I saw two blue eyes of extraordinary size, admirable in point of form, starting from a long. pale, emaciated face, inundated by perfectly straight fair hair. I saw, in truth, nothing but those two eyes, which were all that was left of that poor woman, for the rest of her was dead. Her forehead was red, her cheeks hollow and white, and bluish on the cheek-bones. She was crouched among the straw, so that one could just see her two knees rising above it, and on them she was playing all alone at dominoes. She looked at us for a moment, trembled a long time, smiled at me a little, and began to play again. It seemed to me that she was trying to make out how her right hand beat her left.' It was the wreck of love and beauty, torn by the blind slave obedience, at the bidding of vengeance and hate. M. de Vigny was a young and thoughtless soldier; but young and thoughtless as he was, the phantom glory must have beamed brightly indeed, to prevent him from seeing the gloomy darkness of such a shade of military life as this, and keep him from shaking the fetters of blind obedience from intellect and mercy. He never saw the old chef and his charge again; but he heard of them. In speaking to a brother officer one day of the sad story, his companion in arms replied, Ah, my dear fellow, I knew that poor devil well. A brave man he was too; he was taken off by a cannon-ball at Waterloo. He had, in fact, left along with the baggage a sort of crazy girl, whom we took to the hospital of Amiens on our way to the army of the Loire, and who died there raving, at the end of three days.' "If in this story we recognise the goodness, the true nobility of heart of this old soldier, we cannot fail to see in all its hideousparalyzes virtue, and dims the light of mercy-the system of ness, the horrors and evils of a system which deadens intellect, slavish obedience, crushing out all individuality, and making the good and the bad alike its subservient instruments."

THE WAR-BUDGET,

SIR Charles Wood laid his financial statement before the House of Commons on Monday the 17th. We are not going to canvass its general merits or demerits. We wish merely to call attention to the following brief extract from his speech.

"The charge for the army, including the commissariat department, I take at £6,593,945; for the navy, at £6,537,055; and for the ordnance, at £2,424,171, total £15,555,171. There is here some reduction of expenditure; but, looking at these three estimates-the army, navy, and ordnance-there would have been more, but for certain circumstances to which I shall allude hereafter, and changes, some permanent, for the benefit of soldiers and sailors, and some of a temporary nature, but there will be no reduction of force. The government feel that, in the present unsettled state of matters on the continent of Europe, it would be inconsistent with the best interests of the country that the naval and military forces of the country should be reduced. I am aware that the whole world bears at present a very tranquil aspect; but it must nevertheless be remembered that only a few months have elapsed since we