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history of the world than that such greatness is of the most unstable character. Great as is the danger to-day, it would be enormously increased by a disruption of the Empire. Urban industry rests upon rural labour, as it is from the latter that the materials on which its employées work and live are derived. The field for rural labour in England may be considered to have reached its limit. Let the Colonies be cut loose, and she would have no means of finding employment for her increasing population within her own bounds, save in manufacturing and commercial pursuits. Her urban industry would thus be increased in the absence of any corresponding increase of that other industry on which it depends for working materials and food. Every such increase must add to the delicacy of the social structure. There is no sign abroad to indicate that there will be fewer storms, either internal or external, to assail it in the future than in the past. In that case it must at last succumb to some of them, and with its fall all would be lost. On the other hand, let Federation be adopted, and in the Colonies would be found the means of an almost boundless extension of agricultural industry, which extension would place the urban industry of England on a secure basis by providing a sure supply of the materials and food necessary to its sustenance, an increased number of steady customers for its products, and of fellow-countrymen interested in its defence. Such a security against the danger of an irremediable degradation would, we should say, be cheaply purchased at the cost of the slight loss of English dignity involved in Federation. As to the loss of prestige consequent on this descent, it may also be remarked that emancipationists who regard it as a juggle cannot object to Federation on the ground that that measure would lessen England's share of so worthless a commodity. And let those who do value prestige compare

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the amount of it which would be possessed by the seagirt isles in the Atlantic Ocean when standing alone in the world; confronted by mighty military monarchies; having an important member of the family at variance with the remainder; population pressing on the means of subsistence; one-third of their inhabitants dependent on foreigners for their food, and probably as many on their custom for the means of buying it—with the glory, strength, and influence which would surround the same islands when standing forth as the head of a mighty confederacy embracing lands in every clime; shores on every ocean; fortresses of ancient note; plains of virgin purity; the fisheries, the timber-lands and wheatfields of Canada; the sugar-isles of the Mexican Gulf; the pasture-grounds, the gold-fields, and the diamondlands of Australasia and South Africa; the tropic wealth of Ceylon; the unmatched riches of the Indian peninsula ; the unequalled soil of the Emerald Isle; and the hives of Scotch and English industry-uniting the realised wealth of the mother-country with the untouched and unbounded resources of the Colonies; the science of ancient civilization with the energy of modern colonization; the lustre of historic glory with that gained from the rushing growth of young communities-and say which of these conditions is best calculated to place, not only the glory, but also the wealth, the liberty, and the independence of the Fatherland on the most stable basis? The primacy of such an Empire would carry with it an amount of substantial wealth, power, and prestige probably unexampled in the history of the world, and certainly unprecedented if to these elements of worth we add the fact that the institutions of the Empire would be based on Truth, Justice, Liberty, and Christianity!

CHAPTER X.

CONCLUSION.

OUR task is done: but we linger round a subject which nothing could tempt us to leave but a consciousness of treating it too unworthily;' and before closing wish to add a few words on the course of action to be pursued in case the policy which we advocate should commend itself to our fellow-countrymen.

The first and most important requisite of success in any attempt to form an Imperial Federation would be the absence of jealousy towards each other on the part of the several countries to be comprised in it. Should they enter on a discussion of the scheme in a niggard spirit; each anxious to make the smallest concessions, and to gain the largest advantages possible for itself, and making invidious comparisons between the benefits gained by one party and by another, it may be confidently predicted that the movement would end in smoke, and had better never have been begun. The only question which, in a conference on the subject, each country would have any right to ask is, whether it could obtain equal, or superior, advantages, from the adoption of any other political career open to it. If any part of the Empire would be a loser by joining the Federation, instead of becoming independent or associating itself with some other country, it would have fair grounds for refusing to do so; and if the United Kingdom could, by severing the connection, gain greater benefits than by establishing a union based on

perfect equality of privileges and burdens, it would be justified in rejecting the scheme. But neither the mother-country nor a Colony would have any right to reject it merely on the ground that it would subject them to certain désagrémens from which they are now free. That Federation would import local troubles into every part of the Empire we have no doubt; but we have equally little doubt that it would also import benefits which would heavily overbalance them, and that a disruption of the Empire would induce still greater troubles, without affording any compensation whatever. A choice must be made between the different courses open. Hence it is not the absolute, but the comparative, merits of Federation that should be considered. Should this fact be borne in mind, all will go well; but all will go ill should it be forgotten. It may, perhaps, be said that this language is trite. That is true. But it is equally true that, as a perception of the facts, and the existence of the spirit which we have indicated, are indispensable to success, it is impossible to insist too strongly on attention to them.

It is also to be desired that the subject should be kept clear of party feeling, in so far at least that no party should make the advocacy, or rejection, of Federation, a plank in its political platform. Whatever benefits may be derived from political partyism, it will scarcely be contended that unmixed love of truth is amongst the number. But the need of discovering the whole truth is in an exact ratio to the importance of the subject under legislation; and the difficulty of so doing is proportionate to its intricacy. There have been very few subjects before the British Legislature calculated to affect the destinies of our race so seriously as this Colonial Question, and, possibly, none so very intricate. . It is, therefore, of supreme importance that every available means of arriving

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at the unmixed truth should be put in force. This, certainly, will not be done should existing parties bind their members to an unconditional support of, or opposition to, Federation. But it will be done should they proclaim it an open question, and leave members free to speak their minds on its merits without their political standing being affected thereby. In the former case they could act only as advocates; in the latter they would be free to act as judges, nor do we think that in this question they would fall short of that standard. In the Colonies all parties are united in favour of the maintenance of British connection; and in the Imperial Parliament an emancipationist party can scarcely be said to have been yet organized. Under these circumstances no party is thus far committed to any definite policy on the question; and all are, consequently, perfectly free to adopt whatever course may seem to be most expedient. The question, moreover, is not one which specially affects English, Canadian, or Australasian classes or parties, but all England, Canada, and Australasia alike. It follows that, if these local parties wish to discharge faithfully their duties towards their constituents, they will unite to examine it with a single eye to the interests of their several countries.

To this it may be replied that, under British institutions, the only means whereby this, or any important measure can be carried is by a ministry adopting it as a part of its policy. We are aware that this is the normal state of things. But we strongly suspect that if we must wait for a ministry to undertake the settlement of the colonial question in the face of a hostile Opposition, we shall have to wait until doomsday. The question does not touch any class or party interest, so it will not stir any of those influences which force ministries to undertake the settlement of important political questions. It is un

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