Our fellow citizens upon the frontiers were ready as they always are, in 'he tender of their services in the hour of danger. But a more efficien organization of our Militia System is essential to that security which is one of the principal objects of a governments. Neither our situation nor our institutious, require or permit the maintenance of a large regular force. History offers too many lessons of the fatal result of such a measure, not to warn us against its adoption here The expense which attends it, the Jobvious tendency to employ it because it exists, and thus to engage in unnecessary wars, and i ultima e danger to public liberty, will lead us, I trust, to place our principal dependence for protection upon the great body of the citizens of the republic. If, in asserting rights or in repelling wrongs, war should come upon us, our regular force should be increased to an extent proportioned to the emergency, and our present small army is a nu cleus around which such force could be formed and embodied. But, for the purpose of defence under ordinary circumstances, we must rely upon the electors of the country. Those by whom, and for whom, the Government was instituted, and is supported, will consti ute its protection in the hour of danger, as they do its check in the hour of safety. But it is obvious that the militia system is imperfect. Much time is lost, much unnecessary expense incurred, and much public property wasted, under the present arrangement. Litle useful knowledge is gained by the musters and drills as now established, and the whole subject evidently requires a thorough examination. Whether a plan of class ficationemedying these defects, and providing for a system of instruction, might not be adopted, is submitted to the consideration of Congress. The constitution has vested in the General Government an independent authority upon the subject of the militia, which renders its action essential to the establishment or improvement of the system, and I recommend the matter to your consideration, in the conviction that the state of this important arm of the public defence requires your attention. I am happy to inform you, that the wise and humane policy of transferring from the eastern to the western side of the Mississippi, the remnants of our aboriginal tribes, with their own consent, and upon just terms, has been steadily pursued, and is approaching, I trust, its consummation By refe-l renc to the report of the Secretary of War, and to the documents submitted with it, you will see the progress which has been made since your last session in the arrangement of the various matters connected with our Indian Relations With one exception, every subject involving any question of co flicing jurisdiction, or of peculiar difficulty, has been happily disposed of, and the conviction evidently gains ground among the Indians, bat their removal to the country assigned by the United States for their permanent resid nce, furnishes the only hope of their ultimate prosperity With that portion of the Cherokees, however, living within the State of Georgia, it has been found impracticable as yet, to make a satisfactory adjustment. Such was my anxiety o remove all the grounds of complaint, and to bring to a termination the difficulties in which they are involved, that I directed the very liberal proposit ons to be made to them which accompany the documents herewith submitted. They cannot but have seen in these offers the evidence of the stronges disposition, on the part of the Govern ment, to deal justly and liberal with them. An as ple indemnity was offered for their present po-sessions, a liberal provision for the r future support and improvement, and full security for their private and political righ s. Wha ever difference of opinion may have prevailed respecting the just claims of these people, there wi: probably be none respecting the liberality of the propositions, and very lit le respecting the expediency of their in mediate acceptance They were, however, rejected, and thus the position of these Indians remains unchanged, as do the views communicated in my message to the Se ate of February 1831. I refer you to the annual Report of the Secretary of the Navy, which ac companies this message, for a detail of the operations of that branch of the service during the present year. Besides th general remarks on some of the transactions of our Navy, presented in the view which has been taken of our foreign relations, I seize this occasion to invite to your notice the increased protection which it has afforded to our commerce and citizens on distant seas, without any augmentation of the force in commission. In the gradual improvement of its pecuniary concerns, is the constant progress in the collection of materials suitable for use during future emergencies, and in the construction of vesscis, and the buildings necessary to their preservation and repair, the present state of this branch of the service exhibits the fruits of that vigilance and care which are so indispensable to its efficiency. Various new suggestions contained in the annexed Report, as well as others heretofore submitted to Congress, are worthy of your attention; but none more so than that urging the renewal, for another term of six years, of the general appropriatin for the gradual improvement of the navy. From the accompanying report of the Postmaster General, you will also perceive that that Department continues to extend its usefulness without impairing its resources, or lessening the accommodations which it affords in the secure and rapid transportation of the mail. I beg leave to call the attention of Congress to the views heretofore expressed in relation to the mode of choosing the President and Vice President of the United States, and to those respecting the tenure of office generally Still impresssed with the justness of those views, and with the belief that the modifications suggested on those subjects, if adopted, will contribute to the prosperity and harmony of the country, I earnestly recommend them to your consideration at this time. I have heretofore pointed out defects in the law for punishing official frauds, especially within the District of Columbia. It has been found almost impossible to bring notorious culprits to punishment, and, according to a decision of the court for this District, a prosecution is barred by a lapse of two years after the fraud has been committed It may happen again, as it has already happened, that, during the whole two years, all the evidences of the fraud may be in the possession of the culprit himself. However proper the limitation may be in relation to private citizens, it would seem that it ought not to commence running in favour of public officers until they go out of office. The Judiciary System of the United States remains imperfect. Of the nine western and southwestern States, three only enjoy the benefits of a circuit court. Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, are embraced in the generel system; but Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, have only district courts. If the existing system be a good one, why should it not be extended? If it be a bad one, why is it suffered to exist? The new States were promised equal rights and privileges when they came into the the Union, and such are the guarantees of the Constitution. Nothing can be more obvious than the obligation of the General Government to place all the States on the same footing in relation to the administration of justice, and I trust this duty will be neglected no longer. On many of the subjects to which your attention is invited in this com munication, it is a source of gratification to refer that the steps to be now ado pred are uninfluenced by the embarrassments entailed upon the country by the wars through which it has passed. In regard to most of our great interests, we may consider ourselves as just starting in our career, and, afser a salutary experience, about to fix, upon & permanent basis, the policy best calculated to promote the happiness of the people, and facilitate their progress towards the most complete enjoyment of civil liberty On an ocoasion so interesting and important in our history, and of such anxious concern to the friends of freedom throughout the world, it is our imperious du y to lay aside all selfish and local considerations, and be guided by a lofty spiritof devotion to the great principles on which our institutions are founded. That this Government may be so administered as to preserve its efficiency in promoting and securing these general objects, should be the only aim of our ambition; and we cannot, therefore, too carefully examine its structure, in order that we may not mistake its powers, or assume those which the people have reserved to themselves, or have preferred to assign to other agents We should bear constantly in mind the fact, that the considerations which induced the framers of the Constitution to withhold from the General Government the power to regulate the great mass of the business and concerns of the people, have been fully justified by experience; and that it cannot now be doubted that the genius of all our institutions prescribes simplicity and economy as the characteristics of the reform which is yet to be effected in the present and future execution of the functions bestowed upon us by the Constitution. Limited to a general superintending power to maintain peace at home and abroad, and to prescribe laws on a few subjects of general interest, not calculated to restrict human liberty, but to enforce human rights, this Government will find its strength and its glory in the faithful discharge of these plain and simple duties. Relieved by its protecting shield from the fear of war and the apprehension of oppression, the free enterprise of our citizens, aided by the State sovereignties, will work out improvements and ameliorations which cannot fail to demonstrate that the great truth, that the people can govern themselves, is not only realized in our example, but that it is done by a machinery in government so simple and economical as scarcely to be felt. That the Almighty Ruler of the Universe may so direct our deliberations, and overrule our acts, as to make us instrumental in seeuring a result so dear to mankind, is my most earnest and sincere prayer. December 4th, 1832. ANDREW JACKSON. THE CONGRESS. The Congress of the United States consists of the Senate and House of Representatives; the former composed of forty eight in number, the latter of two hundred and sixteen, of whom three are delegates. In the next Congress, the number of Representatives will be two hundred and forty, agreeably to the apportionment made under the Census of 1830. There are two Senators from each State. They were originally divided into three classes, and one third of them are chosen every second year for the term of six years. They are chosen by the Legisla tures of the States. The Senate have upon all nominations by the President of the Unted States, a voice of advice and consent, or otherwise; in which case it sits with closed doors. The journal of its proceedings is then secret. They have also a vote in the ratification of treaties; in which case it is indispensable that two thirds of them should consent. The Senate is also a court for the trial of high crimes and misdemeanors, upon impeachments by the House of Representatives. No person can be a Senator who has not attained the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice President of the United States is, by the constitution, the President of the Senate, in which body he has only a casting vote, which is given in case of an equal division of the votes of the Senators The Vice President of the United States, when he President of the Senate, receives no addition to his pay as Vice Presi acts as dent, which is $5,000 per annum. In his absence a President pro tempore is chosen, who, during the period of his services, receives $16 per diem for every day he attends. The House of Representatives is composed of members chosen every second year by the People of the several States; and the electors in each State must have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature Representatives are apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, which are determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. An enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States must be made every ten years. The first enumeration was made in 1790, the fifth in 1830. No person can be a Representative who has not attained the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the State lin which he shall be chosen. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, it is made the duty of the executive authority thereof, to issue writs of election to fill such vacaucies. The Speaker of the House of Representatives is chosen by a majority of the members of the House, for the term of the Congress to which he belongs as member of the House. His privileges are the same as those of any other member; and his compensation is $16 per diem. The Congress must assemble, at least, once in every year, on the first Monday in December, if not otherwise provided by law. The President of the United States may convene them at any time upon giving forty days notice. Neither House can adjourn for more than three days, without the consent of the other, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting In case of disagreement about the time, the President of the United States may adjourn them to such time as he thinks proper. The Senate and House each form their own rules, and are, respectively, judges of their own election. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, is prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may, at any time by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. Both Senators and Representatives are in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, privileged from arrest during their attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to or returning from. the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they cannot be questioned in any other place Bills for raising revenue must origin te in the House; and the House solely has the power of iinpeachment. No Member of Congress can, during the time or which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States,] which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, can be a member of either House during bis continuauce office; uor can he be concerned either directly or indirectly, in whole, o in part, in any contract, &c. with the United States. SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. Second Session, Twenty-Second Congress. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. SENATORS, WITH THE EXPIRATION OF THE TERM OF SERVICE OF EACHNorth Carolina From Maine. John Holmes....... Peleg Sprague.... New Hampshire. ......1833 Bedford Brown...... Samuel Bell....... ........1835 Vacantt.. Isaac Hill....... Massachuselis. Daniel Webster... .... ...1835 ..1937 South Carolina. .1835 .....1837 .1337 Stephen D. Miller...... ..... Georgia. .........1835 .........1837 ....1333 George M. Troup.. Nathaniel Silsbee............1835 John Forsyth....... Samuel Prentiss.... .......1837 Thomas Ewing...... Charles E. Dudley.......... .1833 George A. Waggaman...... 1835 William L. Marcy. ....... 1837 Josiah S. Johnson.... ........ Mahlon Dickerson............1833 John Tipton......... George M. Dallas........... .1833 John Black‡........ Delaware. Arnold Naudain.......... .1833 John M. Robinson......... Maryland. Samuel Smith...... ......1833 William R. King.. ....1835 Ezekiel F. Chambers...................... ..1837 Gabriel Moore................1837 Virginia. Missouri. John Tyler......... ..1833 Thomas H. Benton...........1833 William C. Rives*. .........1835 Alexander Buckner. In place of Littleton W. Tazewell, resigned. Occasioned by the resignation of Robert Y. Hayne, elected Governor of South Carolina. Appointed by the Governor, in place of Powhatan Ellis, resigned. ...... 1837 |