if she fell, would fall like the strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along with her."

35. The sentiments of this great statesman prevailed in parliament. The stamp act was repealed; but another act was passed declaring that "the legislature of Great Britain has authority to make laws to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever." The merchants of London rejoiced at this repeal. They had felt the effects of the colonial non-importation agreements, and dreaded that still more injurious consequences would follow.

36. But far greater were the rejoicings of the Americans. They had obtained the object for which they had contended. They regarded the declaratory act as the mere reservation of wounded pride, and welcomed with transport the opportunity of again cherishing their former affection for the land of their fathers. The assemblies of several colonies voted their thanks to Mr. Pitt, and to others in England, who had supported their cause; and that of Virginia resolved to erect an obelisk to their honor, and a marble statue of the king, as a memorial of gratitude.

37. By the people of New-England and New-York less joy was felt and less gratitude displayed. The laws imposing duties on their trade were still in force. The courts of admiralty, sitting without juries, still retained jurisdiction of all revenue causes. Their repeated contests with their governors, had weakened their attachment to the nation that appointed them, and confirmed their republican principles. They still remembered the past and entertained suspicions of the future.

38. The very next year events occurred which justified, these suspicions. A law of parliament, which remained unrepealed, directed that whenever troops should be marched into any of the colonies, quarters, rum, and various necessary articles, should be provided for them, at the expense of the colony. The assembly of New-York refused obedience to this law, consider ing it an indirect mode of taxing them without their consent. To punish this disobedience, parliament immediately suspended the authority of the assembly. It was easily seen that nothing had been gained, if this power of suspension, for such a cause, existed, and could be exercised at pleasure.

39. The alarm, occasioned by this act of despotic power, was increased by a measure, which, under the auspices of a new ministry, was adopted in June, 1767. A duty was imposed by parliament on the importation into the colonies, of glass, tea, and other enumerated articles, and provision was made for the

appointment of commissioners of the customs to be dependent. solely on the crown.

40. Early in the next year, the general court of Massachusetts, pursuing the same course as in 1764, addressed a letter to their agent in London, containing able arguments against those duties, and requested him to communicate the letter to the mi nistry. They also sent to the other colonial assemblies, a circu lar letter, in which these arguments were repeated, and suggest ed the expediency of acting in concert, in all endeavors to ob tain redress.

41. These proceedings incensed and alarmed the ministry. They feared that a union of the colonies would give them strength and confidence, and determined if possible to prevent it. They instructed Sir John Bernard, then governor of Massachusetts, to require the general court to rescind the vote directing the circular letter to be sent, and in case of refusal to dissolve it. The governor communicated these instructions to the house of representatives, which, by a vote of ninety-two to seventeen, refused to rescind, and was accordingly dissolved.

42. The attempt to intimidate did but strengthen opposition. The non-importation agreements, which had been lately abandoned, were renewed, and more extensively adopted. The citizens of Boston met, and proposed that a convention of delegates from the several towns in the province, should be held at that place. Nearly every town accordingly sent delegates. This convention, though it disclaimed all legal authority, was regarded with the same respect as a legitimate assembly. Its proceedings were unimportant, but by its sessions in the metropolis of New-England, the people became accustomed to pay deference to a body of men deriving all their authority from the instructions of their constituents.

43. On so many occasions had the refractory spirit of the citizens of Boston been displayed, that general Gage, who was commander-in-chief of all the troops in the colonies, was ordered to station a regiment in that town, as well to overawe the citizens, as to protect the officers of the revenue in the discharge of their duty. Before the order was executed, the seizure of a sloop belonging to Mr. Hancock, a popular leader, occasioned a riot, in which those officers were insulted and beaten. The general, on receiving information of this event, sent two regiments instead of one, and on the first of October they arrived in the harbor.

44. The ships that brought them, taking a station that commanded the whole town, lay with their broadsides towards it, ready to fire should resistance be attempted. The troops, with

loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, then landed; and, the selectmen having refused to provide quarters, they took possession of the state-house. All the rooms, except one reserved for the council, were filled, and two pieces of cannon were placed near the principal entrance.

45. With indignant and exasperated feelings, the people witnessed this threatening display of military force. They saw the hall of their venerated legislature polluted by the tread of foreign mercenaries. They saw soldiers parading their streets and guards mounted at the corners. They were challenged as they passed, and the unwelcome din of martial music often disturbed their repose. They knew that intimidation was the object, and felt a stronger determination to resist than had before animated their bosoms.

46. Resolutions, in the mean time, had been adopted in parliament, censuring, in the strongest terms the conduct of the people of Massachusetts, and directing the governor to make strict inquiry, as to all treasons committed in that province, since the year 1667, in order that the persons most active in committing them might be sent to England for trial.

47. These resolutions rendered it sufficiently evident that Great Britain had determined to adhere to the system of measures she had adopted. In May, they were taken into consideration by the house of burgesses of Virginia. In sundry resolutions, they reasserted the right of the colonies to be exempted from parliamentary taxation, and declared that seizing persons in the colonies, suspected of having committed crimes therein, and sending them beyond sea to be tried, violated the rights of British subjects, as it deprived them of the inestimable right of being tried by a jury of the vicinage, and of producing witnesses on their trial.

48. While these resolutions were under discussion, the house, apprehensive of an immediate dissolution should the subject of their deliberations be known to the governor, closed their doors. The instant they were opened, a message was announced, requesting their attendance before him. "Mr. Speaker," said he, "and gentlemen of the house of burgesses. I have heard of your resolves, and augur ill of their effects. You have made it my duty to dissolve you, and you are dissolved accordingly."

49. This, like every previous measure of intimidation, ex cited, to a still higher degree, the spirit of opposition. The members assembled at a private house, elected their speaker to preside as moderator, and unanimously formed a non-importation agreement similar to those previously adopted at the north

In a few weeks, the example of Virginia was followed by most of the southern colonies.

50. To the citizens of Boston, the troops quartered among them were a painful and irritating spectacle. Quarrels occurring daily between them and the populace, increased the animosity of each to ungovernable hatred. At length, on the evening of the fifth of March, an affray took place in King-street, [since called State-street,] in which a detachment of the troops commanded by captain Preston, after being insulted, pelted with snow balls and dared to fire, discharged their muskets upon the multitude, killing four persons and wounding others.

51. The drums were instantly beat to arms, and several thousand people assembled, who, enraged by the sight of the dead bodies of their fellow citizens, slain in a cause dear to them all, prepared to attack a larger detachment which had been sent to support their comrades. In this state of excitement, they were addressed by lieutenant-governor Hutchinson, who appeared in the midst of them. Though personally obnoxious, he calmed their fury, and prevailed upon them to disperse until morning.

52. The next day, captain Preston and his party were arrested and committed to prison. The citizens met and appointed a committee to demand the immediate removal of the troops from the town. At this meeting, Samuel Adams, an inflexible patriot, was distinguished for his decision and boldness. After some hesitation, on the part of the commanding officer, they were sent to castle William, and were accompanied by several officers of the customs who dreaded the indignation of the people. 53. Three days afterwards, the funeral of the deceased took place. It was conducted with great pomp and unusual ceremonies, expressive of the public feeling. The shops were closed. The bells of Boston, Roxbury, and Charlestown were tolled. Four processions, moving from different parts of the town, met at the fatal spot, and proceeded thence towards the place of interment. This united procession comprised an immense number of people on foot and in carriages, all displaying the deepest grief and indignation. The bodies were deposited together in the same vault.

54. When the passions of the people had in some degree subsided, captain Preston and his soldiers were brought to trial. They were defended by John Adams, and Josiah Quincy, two able lawyers, and distinguished leaders of the popular party. For nearly six weeks, the court were employed in examining witnesses, and in listening to the arguments of counsel. Captain Preston, not having ordered his men to fire, was acquitted by the jury. Of the soldiers, six were also acquitted, there being

no positive testimony that they fired upon the people; and two were acquitted of murder, as great provocation was offered, but found guilty of manslaughter-a result evincing the integrity of the jury and the magnanimity and uprightness of the counsel for the accused.

55. While these events were occurring in the colonies, an attempt, supported by the prime minister, was made in England, to repeal all the laws for raising a revenue in America. The parliament, with a mixture of timidity and obstinacy, characteristic of the councils of the nation at that period, relinquished all the duties but that on tea, and this they unwisely retained to assert and display their supremacy over the colonies.

56. This partial repeal produced no change in the sentiments of the people. By rendering the contest more clearly a contest of principle, it sanctified their conduct in their own view and ennobled it in that of the world. The non-importation agreements, however, were made to correspond with the altered law. Tea only was to be excluded from the country; and this articl of luxury was banished from the tables of all who were frion !!! to American rights.

CHAPTER XVI.

REVOLUTION.

THE years 1771 and 1772 were not distinguished by any important event. The southern colonies, more agricultural than commercial, suffered but little from the operation of the laws of trade, and, having mostly popular governors, continued tranquil. In Massachusetts, various causes contributed, to increase the discontent which previously existed. Governor Hutchinson, having adjourned the general court to Salem, refused, notwithstanding reiterated remonstrances, to permit them to return to Boston. He withdrew the provincial troops from the castle and supplied their place with regulars, as the British troops were then called. He declined receiving his salary from the colonial treasury, stating that his majesty had assigned to him, and also to the judges, permanent and honorable salaries, to be paid in Great Britain. These measures were highly