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people, as unnatural, selfish, and an abandonment, litical ideas, and brings this important department STOP SPECIE PAYMENT. The late measure of the of the most important political duties.

I am for having but one currency, and that a good one, both for the people and the government. I am opposed to the doctrines of the message of September, and to every thing which grows out of those doctrines. I feel as if I were on some other sphere, as if I were not at home, as if this could not be America, when I see schemes of public policy proposed, having for their object the convenience of government only, and leaving the people to shift for themselves, in a matter which naturally and necessarily belongs, and in every other country is adinitted to belong, to the solemn obligations and the undoubted power of government. Is it America, where the government, and men in the government, are to be better off than the people? Is it America, where government is to shut its eyes and its ears to public complaint, and to take care only of itself? Is it America, Mr. President, is it your country, and my country, in which, at a time of great public distress, when all eyes are turned to congress, and when most men feel that substantial and practical relief can co ne only fron congress, that congress, nevertheless, has nothing on earth to propose, but bolts and bars, safes and vaults, cells and hiding places, for the better security of its own money; and nothing on earth, not a beneficial law, not even a kind

down to a thing of bricks and mortar. It enacts secretary, and the infatuation with which it seems
that certain rooms in the new building, with their to be supported, tend directly and strongly to that
safes and vaults, shall constitute the treasury of the result. Under pretence, then, of a design to re-
United States! And this adoption of new and turn to a currency which shall be all specie, we
strange notions, and this abandonment of all old are likely to have a currency in which there shall
ideas, is all for the purpose of accomplishing the be no specie at all. We are in danger of being
great object of separating the affairs of government overwhelmed with irredeemable paper; mere paper,
from the affairs of the country. The nature of the representing notgold or silver; no, sir, representing
means shows the nature of the object; both are nothing but BROKEN PROMISES, BAD FAITH, BANK-
novel, strange, untried, and unheard of. The RUPT CORPORATIONS, CHEATED CREDITORS, AND
scheme, sir, finds no precedent, either in our own A RUINED PEOPLE!"

history, or the history of any other respectable na- And now, sir, we see the upshot of the experi-
tion. It is admitted to be new, original, experi- ment. We see around us bankrupt corporations
mental; and yet its adoption is urged upon us as and broken promises, but we see no promises more
confidently as if it had come down from our ances- really and emphatically broken than all those pro-
tors, and had been the cherished policy of the mises of the administration which gave us assur-
country in all past times.
ance of a better currency. These promises, now

I am against it altogether. I look not to see broken, notoriously and openly broken, if they can-
whether the means be adapted to the end. That not be performed, ought at least to be acknowledg-
end itself is what I oppose, and I oppose all the ed. The government ought not, in common fair-
means leading to it. I oppose all attempts to make
a separate currency for the government, because I
insist upon it, and shall insist upon it, until I see
and feel the pillars of the constitution falling around
me and upon my head, that it is the duty of this
government to provide a good currency for the
country and for the people, as well as for itself.
I put it to gentlemen to say, whether currency

word, for the people themselves? Is it our country, be not a part of commerce, or an indispensable
in which the interest of government has reached agent of commerce; and something, therefore,
such an ascendancy over the interest of the people, which this government is bound to regulate, and
in the estimate of the representatives of the people? to take care of? Gentlemen will not meet the ar-
Has this, sir, come to be the state of things, in the
old thirteen, with the new thirteen added to them?

gument. They shun the question. We demand
that the just power of the constitution shall be ad-

For one, I confess I know not what is American, ministered. We assert, that congress has power
in policy, in public interest, or in public feeling, if
these measures be deemed American.

Tae first general aspect, or feature of the bill, the character written broadly on its front, is this abandonment of all concern for the general currency of the country. This is enough for me. It secures my opposition to the bill in all stages. Sir, this bill ought to have had a preamble. It ought to have been introduced by a recital, setting forth, that whereas the currency of the country has become totally deranged; and whereas, it has heretofore been thought the bounden duty of this government to take proper care of that great branch of the national interest; and whereas, that opinion is

to regulate commerce, and currency as a part of
commerce; we insist that the public exigency, at
the present moment, calls loudly for the exercise
of this power, and what do they do? They labor
to convince us that the government itself can get
on very well without providing a currency for the
people, and they betake themselves, therefore, to
the sub-treasury system, its unassailable walls, its
iron chests, and doubly secured doors. And having
satisfied themselves, that, in this way, government
may be kept going, they are satisfied. A sound
currency for government, a safe currency for reve-
nue; these are the only things promised, the only
things proposed. But these are not the old promises

erroneous, obsolete, and heretical; and whereas, The country, the country itself, and the whole peoaccording to the true reading of the constitution, ple, were promised a better currency, for their own the great duty of this government, and its exclu- use; a better general currency; a better currency sive duty, so far as currency is concerned, is to take for all the purposes of trade and business. This

care of itself; and whereas, if government can but secure a sound currency for itself, the people may very well be left to such a currency as the states, or the banks, or their own good fortune, or bad fortune, may give them; therefore be it enacted,

&c. &c. &c.

was the promise, solemnly given by the govern
ment in 1833, and so often afterwards renewed,
through all successive years, down to May last.
We heard nothing, at that time, of a separation be-
tween government and people. No, sir, not a
word. Both were to have an improved currency.

ness, and common honesty, to deny its own responsibility, seek to escape from the demands of the people, and to hide itself, out of the way and beyond the reach of the process of public opinion, by retreating into this sub-treasury system. Let it, at least, come forth, let it bear a port of honesty and candor; let it confess its promises, if it cannot perform them; and, above all, now, even now, at this late hour, let it renounce schemes and projects, the inventions of presumption, and the resorts of desperation, and let it address itself, in all good faith, to the great work of restoring the currency by approved and constitutional means.

But, sir, so far is any such course from all probability of being adopted, so little ground of hope is there that this sub-treasury system will be abandoned, that the honorable member from New York has contended and argued, in his place, that the public opinion is more favorable to this measure now proposed, than to any other which has been suggested. He claims for it the character of a favorite with the people. He makes out this subtreasury plan to be quite high in popular estimation. Certainly, sir, if the honorable member thinks so, he and I see with different eyes, hear with different ears, or gather the means of opinion from different sources. But what is the gentleman's argument? It is this: The two houses of congress, he says, reflect the wishes and opinions of the people; and with the two houses of congress this system, he supposes, is more acceptable than any other.

Now, sir, with the utmost respect for the two houses of congress, and all their members, I must be permitted to express a doubt, and, indeed, a good deal more than a doubt, whether, on this subject, and at the present moment, the two houses do exactly reflect the opinions and wishes of the pecple. I should not have adverted to the state of opinion here, compared with the state of public opinion in the country, if the gentleman had not founded an argument, on the supposed disposition of the two houses, and on the fact that they truly set forth the public opinion. But since he has brought such an argument, it is proper to examine its foundation.

confident, then, as he now is; confident of the suc-
cess of the first scheme, which was plausible, as he
is confident of this, which is strange, alien, and re-
pulsive in its whole aspect. He was then as sure
of being able to furnish a currency for the country,
as he is now of furnishing a currency for govern-
ment. He told us, at that time, that he believed
the system, adopted by the late administration, was as their representatives, and they must be consider-

The very first provision of the bill is in keeping Sir, I did not believe a word of all this; I thought with its general objects and general character. It it all mere pretence or empty boasting. I had no abandons all the sentiments of civilized mankind faith in these promises, not a particle. But the on the subject of credit and confidence, and carries honorable member from New York was confident; us back to the dark ages. The first that we hear is of safes, and vaults, and cells, and cloisters. From an intellectual it goes back to a physical age. From commerce and credit, it returns to hoarding and hiding; from confidence and trust, it retreats to bolts and bars, to locks with double keys, and to pains and penalties for touching hidden treasure. It is a law for the times of the feudal system; or a law for the heads and governors of the piratical states of Barbary. It is a measure fit for times when there is no security in law, no value in commerce, no active industry among mankind. Here, it is altogether out of time and out of place. It has no sympathy with the general sentiments of this age, still less has it any congeniality with our American character, any relish of our hitherto approved and successful policy, or any agreement or conformity with the general feeling of the country.

fully competent to its object. He felt no alarm for
the result; he believed all the president had done,
from the removal of the deposites downwards, was
constitutional and legal, and he was determined to
place himself by the side of the president, and de-
sired only to stand or fall, in the estimation of his
constituents, as they should determine in the re-
sult. And that result has now come.

As I have said, sir, I had no faith at all in all the
promises of the administration, made before and at

The gentleman, in stating the provisions of the that time, and constantly repeated. I felt no confifirst section, proceeds to say, that it is strange that dence, whatever, in the whole project; I deemed none of our laws heretofore has ever attempted to it rash, headstrong, and presumptuous, to the last give to the treasury of the United States a "local degree. And, at the risk of the charge of some habitation." Hence it is the object of this first offence against good taste, I will read a paragraph section of the bill to provide and define such local habitation. A local habitation for the treasury of a great and growing commercial country, in the nineteenth century! Why, sir, what is the treasury? The existing laws call it a "department." They say, there shall be a department, with various officers, and a proper assignment of their du

In a general sense, undoubtedly, sir, the members of the two houses must be understood to represent the sentiments of their constituents, the people of the United States. Their acts bind them,

ed, in a legal sense, as conforming to the will of their constituents. But, owing to the manner of our organization, and to the periods and times of election, it certainly may happen that, at a particular moment, and on a particular subject, opinion out of doors may be one way, while opinion here is another. And how is it now, if we may judge by the usual indications? Does the gentleman hope for no vote, in this body, for this bill, but such as shall be. in his opinion, in strict accordance with the wishes as generally understood, and most recently expressed in the state from which that vote shall come?

I shall be exceedingly sorry, sir, for instance, to see a vote from Maine given for this bill. I hope

from some remarks of mine, in February, 1834, I may not. But if there should be such a vote, can
which sufficiently show what my opinion and my
apprehensions then were:
"I have already endeavored to warn the country
against irredeemable paper; against bank paper,
when banks do not pay specie for their own notes;
against that miserable, abominable, and fraudulent

the gentleman say that he believes, in his conscience, it will express the wishes of a majority of the people of that state? And so of New Jersey, and one, if not more states in the west. I am quite sure that gentlemen who may give their votes will discharge their duty, according to their own en

ties and functions; and that this shall be the de- policy, which attempts to give value to any paper lightened judgments, and they are in no way acpartment of the treasury. It is thus an organized of any bank, one single moment longer than such countable to me for the manner in which they dispart of government; an important and indispensa- paper is redeemable on demand in gold and silver. charge it; but when the honorable member from ble branch of the general administration, conduct- And I wish, most solemnly and earnestly, to re- New York contends that this body now accurately ing the fiscal affairs of the country, and controlling peat that warning. I see danger of that state of represents the public opinion on the sub-treasury subordinate agents. things ahead. I SEE IMMINENT DANGER THAT system, we must look at the facts. And with all But this bill does away with all legal and po- MORE OR FEWER OF THE STATE BANKS WILL possible respect, for the honorable member, I must even take leave to ask him, whether, in his judgment, he, himself, is truly reflecting the opinions and wishes of a majority of the people of New York, while he is proposing and supporting this bill? Where does he find evidence of the favor of the people of that state towards this measure? Does he find it in the city? In the country? In the recently elected house of assembly? In the recently elected members of the senate? Can he name a place-can he lay a venue for the popularity of this measure in the whole state of New York? Between Montauk point and Cattaraugus, and between the mountains of Pennsylvania and the north end of lake Champlain, can he any where put his finger on the map and say, here is a spot where the sub-treasury is popular? He may find places, no doubt, though they are somewhat scarce, where his friends have been able to maintain their ascendancy, notwithstanding the unpopularity of the measure; but can he find one place, one spot, of any extent, in which this measure of relief is the choice, the favorite, of a majority of the people?

Mr. president, the honorable member has long been in public life, and has witnessed often the changes and the fluctuations of political parties and political opinions. And I will ask him what he thinks of the hurricane which swept over New York in the first week of last November? Did he ever know the like? Has he before ever been called on to withstand such a whirlwind? or had he previously any suspicion that such an outbreak in the political elements was at hand? I am persuaded, sir, that he feared such a thing much less than I hoped for it; and my own hopes, although I had hopes, and strong hopes, I must confess, fell far short of the actual result. And to me, Mr. presi dent, it seems perfectly plain, that the cause of this

rounded, as he most justly said, by an inteiligent that a national bank, properly constituted, limited, population; and cities, villages, and country, alto- and guarded, is both constitutional and expedient, gether, comprising near two millions of souls. All and ought now to be established. So far as I can this was very well. It was true. The facts were learn, three-fourths of the western people are for it. with the honorable member. And although I most Their representatives here can form a better judgexceedingly regretted and deplored that it was so, I ment; but such is my opinion upon the best inforcould not deny it. And he was entitled to enjoy, mation which I can obtain. The south may be and did enjoy, the whole benefit of this respectable more divided, or may be against a national institusupport. But, sir, how stands the matter now? tion; but, looking again to the centre, the north, What say these two millions of souls to the sub- and the east, and comprehending the whole in one treasury! In the first place, what says the city of view, I believe the prevalent sentiment is such as I New York, that great commercial emporium, have stated.

for them. I never have seen, or heard, a single man, who paid the slightest respect to those votes of ours. The honorable member, to-day, opposed as he is to a bank, has not even alluded to them. So entirely vain is it, sir, in this country, to attempt

worty of the gentleman's commendation in 1834, At the last session great pains were taken to ob-
and worthy of his commendation, and iny commen-tain a vote of this and the other house against a
dation, and all commendation, at all times? What bank, for the obvious purpose of placing such an
sentiments, what opinions, what feelings are pro- institution out of the list of remedies, and so recon-
claimed by the thousands of her merchants, traders, ciling the people to the sub-treasury scheme. Well,
inanufacturers and laborers? What is the united sir, and did those votes produce any effect? None
shout of all the voices of all her classes? What is at all. The people did not, and do not, care a rush
it, but that you will put down this new fangled
sub-treasury system, alike alien to their interests
and their feelings, at once, and forever? What is
it, but that in mercy to the mercantile interest, the
trading interest, the shipping interest, the manufac-
turing interest, the laboring class, and all classes, to forestall, commit, or coerce the public judgment.
you will give up useless and pernicious political All those resolutions fell perfectly dead on the tables
schemes and projects, and return to the plain, of the two houses. We may resolve what we please,
straight course of wise and wholesome legislation? and resolve it when we please; but if the people
The sentiments of the city cannot be misunderstood. do not like it, at their own good pleasure they will
A thousand pens and ten thousand tongues, and a rescind it; and they are not likely to continue their
spirited press, make them all known. If we have approbation long, to any system of measures, how-
not already yet heard enough, we shall hear more. ever plausible, which terminates in deep disappoint-
Embarrassed, vexed, pressed, and distressed, as are ment of all their hopes, for their own prosperity?
her citizens at this moment, yet their resolution is
I have said, sir, that, in preference to this bill, I
not shaken, their spirit is not broken; and, depend would try some modification of the state bank sys-
upon it, they will not see their commerce, their busi- tem; and I will cheerfully do so, although every
ness, their prosperity and their happiness, all sacri- body knows that I always opposed that system.

astonishing change in public opinion is to be found, ficed to preposterous schemes and political empiri- Still, I think it less objectionable than this. Mr.
mainly, in the message of September, and the sub- cism, without another, and a yet more vigorous president, in my opinion, the real source of the evil
treasury bill of the last session. The message, struggle. And Hudson, and Albany, and Troy, lies in the tone, and spirit, and general feeling,
with its anti-social, anti-commercial, anti-popular and Schenectady, and Utica-pray, why may not which have pervaded the administration for some
doctrines and dogmas-the message which set at the citizens of these cities have as much weight years past. I verily believe the origin is there.
nought all our own manners and usages, rejected with the honorable member now, as they justly That spirit, I fully believe, has been deeply anti-
all the teachings of experience, threatened the state had in 1834? And does he, can he, doubt of what commercial, and of, late decidedly unfriendly to the
institutions, and, anxious only to take good care of they think of this bill? Ay, sir, and Rochester, and state institutions. Do the leading presses in favor
the government, abandoned the people to their fate;
the message the message-it was, that did the
great work in New York and elsewhere.

The message was that cave of Eolus, out of which the careering winds issued:

"Una Eurusque notusque ruunt creberque procellis

"Africus"

mingling seas and skies, dispersing the most powerful political combinations, and scattering their fragments on the rocks and shores. I might quote the poet further, sir,

"et vostos volvult ad litora fluctus."

The political deep seemed agitated to the very bottom, and its heaving bosom moved onward and forward the "vastos fluctus," in nautical phrase, the big rollors of public opinion.

The honorable member may say, or may think, that all this was but the result of a transient impulse, a feverish ebullition, a sudden surprise, or a change superficial, and apparent only, not deep and real. Sir, I cannot say, but I must confess that if the movement in New York last fall was not real, it looked more like reality than any fanciful exhibition which I ever saw. If the people were not in earnest, they certainly had a very sober and earnest way of being in jest.

And now, sir, can the honorable member, can any man say, that in regard to this measure, even the house of representatives is certain, at this moment, truly to reflect the public judgment? Though nearer to the people than ourselves, and more frequently chosen, yet it is known that the present members were elected, nearly all of them, before

Batavia, and Buffalo, and the entire western district of the administration speak its own sentiments? If
of the state, does the honorable member suppose you think they do, then look at the language and
that, in the whole of it, he should be able, by care-
ful search, to do more than to find, now and then,
so rare a bird, as a single approver of this system?
Mr. president, if this system must come, let it
come. If we must bow to it, why, then, put it
upon us. Do it. Do it by the power of congress,
and the president. Congress and the president
have the power. But spare us, I beseech you,
spare the people from the imputation that it is done
under clear proof and evidence of their own appro-
bation. Let it not be said it is their choice. Save
them, in all mercy, from that reproach.

spirit of those presses. Do they not manifest an
unceasing and bitter hostility to the mercantile
classes, and to the institutions of the states? I cer-
tainly never supposed the state banks fit agents for
furnishing or regulating a national currency; but I
have thought them useful in their proper places.
At any rate, the states had power to establish them;
and have established them, and we have no right to
endeavor to destroy them. How is it, then, that
generally, every leading press which supports the
administration joins in the general cry against these
institutions of the states? How is it, if it be not that
a spirit, hostile to these institutions has come to
pervade the administration itself?

Sir, I think there is a revolution in public opinion, now going on, whatever inay be the opinion of the member from New York, and others. I think the fall elections prove this, and that other more recent events confirm it. I think it is a revolt against the absolute dictation of party, a revolt against coercion, on the public judgment; and, especially, a revolt against the adoption of new mischevious expedients on questions of deep public interest; a revolt against the rash and unbridled spirit of change; a revolution, in short, against further revolution. I hope, most sincerely, that this revolution may go on: not, sir, for the sake of men, but for the sake of measures, and for the sake of and unjust. the country. I wish it to proceed, till the whole The banks, sir, are now making an effort, which country, with an imperative unity of voice, shall I hope may be successful, to resume specie paycall back congress to the true policy of the governments. The process of resumption works, and must ment. work, with severity upon the country. Yet I most The honorable member from New York is of earnestly hope the banks may be able to accomplish

In my opinion, the state banks, on every ground, demand other treatment; and the interest of the country requires that they should receive other treatment. The government has used them, and why should it now not only desert, but abuse them? That some of the selected banks have behaved very unworthy, is no doubt true. The best behavior is not always to be expected from pets. But that the banks, generally, deserved this unrestrained warfare upon them, at the hands of government, I cannot believe. It appears to me to be both ungrateful

the appearance of the message of September. And opinion, sir, that there are only three courses open the object. But, in all this effort, they got no aid will the honorable member allow me to ask, whe- to us. We must, he urges, either adopt this mea- from government, no succor from governinent, not

ther, if a new election of members of congress were
to take place in his own state, to-morrow, and the
newly elected members should take their seats im-
mediately, he should entertain the slightest expec- say, that either of the others is better than this. I

sure, or return to a system of deposites with the
state banks, or establish a national bank. Now, sir,
suppose this to be as the gentleman states, then, I
would prefer doing almost any thing, and I would
vastly prefer doing nothing, to taking this bill.

I need not conceal my own opinions. I am in

tation of the passage of this bill through that house?
Mr. president, in 1834 the honorable inember
presented to the senate resolutions of the legisla-
ture of New York, approving the previous course favor of a national institution, with such provisions
of the administration in relation to the currency. and securities as congress may think proper, to
He then urged strongly, but none too strongly, the guard against danger and against abuse. But the

even a kind word from government. They get nothing but denunciation and abuse. They work alone, and therefore the attainment of the end is the more difficult. They hope to reach that end only, or mainly, by reduction and curtailment. If, by these means, payment in specie can be resumed and maintained, the result will prove the existence of great solidity, both of the banks and of the mercantile classes. The bank of England did not accomplish resumption by curtailment alone. She had

weight due to those resolutions, because, he argued, honorable member disposes of this at once, by the the direct aid of government. And the banks of the they expressed the undoubted sense of the people, declaration, that he himself can never consent to a United States, in 1816, did not rely on curtailment as well as that of the legislature. He said there bank, being utterly opposed to it, both on constitu- alone. They had the aid of the then new created was not, at that time, a single member in the popu- tional grounds, and grounds of expediency. The bank of the United States, and all the countenance, Jar branch of the legislature who was not in favor gentleman's opinions, always respected, is certain- assistance, and friendly support, which the governof those resolutions, either from the cities of Hud- ly of great weight and importance, from the public ment could give them. Still, I would not discourson, Albany, Troy, Schenectady, Utica, or an situation he occupies. But although these are his age the efforts of the banks. I trust they will sucalmost endless number of incoporated trading towns opinions, is it certain that a majority of the people ceed, and that they will resume specie payments at and villages, or the great city of New York itself, of the country agree with him in this particular? the earliest practicable moment; but it is, at the which he justly calls the commercial emporium of I think not. I verily believe a majority of the same time, my full conviction, that, by another and the country; all these cities and villages being sur- people of the United States are now of the opinion la better course of public policy, the government NILES' NATIONAL REGISTER-MARCH 3, 1838-CONGRESS.

might most materially assist the banks to bring about resumption; and that, by government aid, it might be brought about with infinitely less of public inconvenience and individual distress.

For an easy resumption of specie payments, there is mainly wanted a revival of trust, the restoration of confidence, and a harmonious action, between the government and the moneyed institutions of the country. But, instead of efforts to inspire trust and create confidence, we see and hear nothing but denunciation; instead of harmonious action, we find nothing but unrelenting hostility.

Mr. President, you and I were in congress, in 1816, during the time of the suspension of specie payments by the banks. What was the spirit of the government at that time, sir? Was it hostile, acrimonious, belligerant towards the state institutions? Did it look on them only to frown? Did it touch

the department, and such others as can be conve-
niently procured.

Mr. Smith, of Indiana, submitted a resolution, to the senate, tables of the rates of exchange, for-
which lies over one day, calling on the secretary of eign and domestic, and of the price of bank notes
acres of the public lands granted to each of the
the treasury for statements of the whole number of at different periods, from such materials as are in
states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Mis-
sissippi, Louisiana, Missouri, Michigan, and Ark-
ansas, with the particulars; the number of acres sold
in said states at public or private sale, the number
remaining unsold, distinguishing between Indian city; and, after brief explanations from Messrs.
and other lands, and the number of acres sold in Wall and King, it was ordered to be engrossed for
Indiana, with the amount received from those sales.

The unfavorable reports on the claims of Andrew King, and the widow of Thomas Cogswell, were taken up and agreed to.

The bill to provide for issuing patents to certain lands at Green Bay, Wisconsin, and the bills for the relief of Robert Dickey, Joseph Hall, Albion T. Crow, the heirs of John Hawkins, the heirs of William Rumsey, the heirs of Nathan Peter and William Adams, and the owners of the brig Despatch and cargo, were severally read a third time, and passed.

The bill to authorize the examination and test of Samuel Raub's double safe-acting safety valve, was taken up, and, on motion of Mr. Davis, again laid on the table, on the ground that a general bill authorizing experiments on steam boilers, &c. had already passed the senate.

them only to distress? Did it put them all under lieutenant William Russworm, the heirs of doctor
the scourge? You know, sir, it was far otherwise.
You know, that the secretary of that day entered
into friendly correspondence with them, and assur-
ed them that he would second their efforts, for re-
sumption, by all the means in his power. You
know, sir, that, in fact, he did render most essen-
tial aid. And do you see, sir, any similar effort
now? Do you behold, in the bill before us, any
thing of the spirit, or the policy, of Mr. Madi-
son, on an occasion very like the present. Mr.
Madison was a man of such subdued self-respect,
that he was willing to yield to experience and to
the opinion of his country; a man, too, of so much
wisdom and true patriotism, that nothing was al-
lowed to stand between him, and his clear percep-
tion of the public good. Do you see, sir, any thing
of this spirit, of the wisdom, of the inild, and heal-
ing, restoring policy, of Mr. Madison, in this mea-
sure? Another illustrious man, now numbered

The senate resumed the consideration of the
Mr. Brown spoke till half past four o'clock in
sub-treasury bill, and Mr. Rives's substitute.
favor of the bill.

After an executive session, (moved by Mr.
Grundy,)

The senate adjourned till Monday.
February 26. The chair communicated a letter
from the secretary of the treasury, in answer to a

with the dead, was then with us, and was acting an resolution of the senate of the 22d instant, direct

important part, in the councils of the country. I mean Mr. Lowndes; a man not deficient in force and genius, but still more distinguished for that large and comprehensive view of things, which is more necessary to make great men, and is also much rarer, than inere positive talent, and for an impartial, well balanced judgment, which kept him free from prejudice and error, and which gave great and just influence to all his opinions. Do you see, sir, any thing of the spirit, the temper, the cool judgment, or the long-sighted policy of Mr. Lowndes, in all that is now before us? And Mr. Crawford, then at the head of the treasury, arduously striving to restore the finances, to re establish both public and private credit, and to place the currency, once more, upon its safe and proper foundation; do you see, sir, the marks of Mr. Crawford's hands in the measure now presented for our approbation?

ing him to communicate the report of E. and G.
W. Blunt, of New York, relative to the construc-
tion and improvement of light-houses, stating that
no such communication had been received at his
office, nor at the office of the fifth auditor.

Also, a report from the same, transmitting, in
compliance with the provisions of the acts for the
establishment of the treasury, war, and navy de-
partments, a list of contracts entered into for the
year 1837: laid on the table, and ordered to be
printed.

Also, a report from the war department, transmitting, in compliance of a resolution of the senate, a map of the military road from Saginaw and Mackinaw; which, on notion of Mr. Lyon, was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. Trotter presented the memorial of the legislature of Mississippi, praying congress to ratify and confirm certain pre-emption claims under the act of June, 1834: referred to the committee on public lands.

Mr. Smith, of Indian, presented a memorial, signed by seventy-four of the members of the gene

to appropriate

On motion of Mr. Wall, the senate took up and considered as in committee of the whole, the bill for the establishment of a port of entry at Jersey

a third reading.

A message was received from the house of representatives by Mr. Franklin, the clerk, announcing the death of the honorable Jonathan Cilley, a nember of the house from the state of Maine, and stating that the funeral would take place from the hall of the house to morrow at 12 o'clock.

Mr. Williams rose and addressed the senate as

follows:

Mr. President: I came into the senate this mornmelancholy duty of announcing to you and to the ing, exhausted and overwhelmed, to perform the senate of the United States the sudden and lamented death of my friend and colleague the honorable Jonathan Cilley, a representative from Maine, in the congress of the United States.

At the last adjournment of the senate, Mr. Cilley was in perfect health, full of hope and expectadicating the violated rights of his state, and of distion of making himself useful in asserting and vinnow so deeply agitate the public mind; full of zeal tinguishing himself in the great questions which cause of human liberty and of human rights, he conand ardent patriotism; and of devotion to the great sidered that a crisis had arisen when his country had a right to claim the services of her sons. He obeyed the call of his constituents, relinquishing the enjoyments of the domestic circle of a wife and three children. He is now a lifeless corpse; all his hopes are blasted and destroyed, and his constituents are deprived of the services of an able and faithful representative.

Mr. Cilley was a native of New Hampshire, and belonged to one of the most ancient and respectable families in that state. Patriotism and bravery were Cilley, was the gallant leader of the heroic charge his inheritance. His grandfather was the distinguished patriot and brave officer of the revolution; general Cilley; and his brother, captain Joseph under colonel Miller, at the battle of Bridgewater heights, in the last war.

The deceased was a graduate of Bowdoin colplication attained a high standing at the bar in that lege, in Maine, and by his superior talents and apstate. He was a good lawyer, an able advocate, and a powerful debater.

From early life Mr. Cilley was ardently attached a zealous advocate of the rights of the whole people, and a deto the principles of free government; termined opponent of the claim of the few to tyrannise over the many.

body,

where his talents and

In 1832, Mr. Cilley was elected to the house of representatives in Maine, and in 1835 and 1836 was speaker of that love of country became so conspicuous, that in 1837 he was elected to congress in a district in which the majority were his political apponents.

Mr. President, I have little to say of the subordi nate provisions of this bill, of the receivers-general, or of the dangerous power, given to the secretary, of investing the public money in state stocks of his own selection. My opposition to the bill is to the a portion of the public funds in a whole of it. It is general, uncompromising, and de ral assembly of the state of Ohio, praying congress a part of the capital stock of the cided. I oppose all its ends, objects, and purposes; I oppose all its means, its inventions, and its con- subscription for trivances. I am opposed to the separation of go. Jeffersonville and New Albany canal company, inOf his conduct here I need not speak, for all who vernment and the people; I am opposed, now and corporated by the state of Indiana, to construct a hear me, all who knew Mr. Cillley in the other end at all times, to an exclusive metallic currency; I canal around the falls of Ohio, on the Indiana side, am opposed to the spirit in which the measure orig- of sufficient capacity to pass steamboats of the Mr. S. said he had before had the honor to intro- of the capitol, will bear testimony of his ability, to inates, and to all and every emanation and ebullition largest size. of that spirit. I sol dying our own safety, and renouncing all care over duce, memorials, numerously signed by the busi- his open, frank, and determined course, to the high the general currency, we are, in my opinion, aban-ness men of Wheeling and Cincinnati, on this sub- order of his talents aad powers as a debater, and doning one of the plainest and most important of ject. Those memorials had been printed, and re- to the respect and deference he paid to the rights our constitutional duties. If, sir, we were, at this ferred to the committee on roads and canals. He of others.

I solemnly declare, that in thus stu

moment, at war with a powerful enemy, and if his (Mr. S.) would only say, on the present occasion, fleets and armies were now ravaging our shores, and that the great importance of the ineasure was ad

it were proposed in congress to take care of ourselves, to defend the capitol, and abandon the country to its fate, it would be, certainly, a more striking, a more flagrant and daring, but in my judgment not a more clear and manifest dereliction of

On motion of Mr. S. the memorial was referred
Mr. Clay, of Alabama, presented the memorial of
to the committee on roads and canals.
the inhabitants of township three, range nine west,

mitted and felt by the whole western country.

duty, than we commit in this open and professed of Huntsville, Alabama, representing that the 16th
abandonment of our constitutional power and consti- section, reserved for schools, in that township is
tutional duty, over the great interest of the national sterile and unproductive, and praying a grant of
I mean to inaintain that constitutional other lands in lieu of the same; which was referred
currency.
power, and that constitutional duty, to the last. It to the committee on public lands.
shall not be with my consent that our ancient po-
licy shall be overturned. It shall not be with my
consent that the country shall be plunged further
and further into the unfathomed depths of new ex-
pedients.

It shall not be, without a voice of remonstrance

from me, that one great and important purpose for
which this government was framed, shall now be

Surrendered and abandoned forever.

TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS.
SECOND SESSION-SENATE.

February 23. After the presentation of petitions,
memorials, &c.

Mr. Benton presented the memorial of sundry inhabitants of Erie, Pennsylvania, praying congress to take measures to prevent the re-issue of the notes of the old bank of the United States: referred to the

committee on finance.

Mr. Buchanan presented the memorial of a large
number of citizens of Philadelphia, asking congress
forth strong reasons why such an establishment
to establish a dry dock at that place, and setting
should exist there: referred to the committee on
naval affairs.

On motion of Mr. Benton,
Resolved, That the secretary of the treasury be
directed to cause to be prepared and communicated

As a man, Mr. Cilley was warm, ardent, genewas in the meridian of his life, aged 35: the past rous, noble; as a friend, true, faithful, abiding. He was the earnest of the future.

In his death Maine has lost one of her brightest ornaments, and the nation is berest of a devoted patriot, and an ardent, zealous supporter of its free institutions.

The sun which set upon the lifeless corpse of my bosom blest its gladsome beams, and told her innolate friend and colleague, rose bright and cheering upon his distant fireside circle, and the wife of his cent children that it brought the return of their father one day nearer.

Alas! nor wife nor children shall see him more. and witness the tears, the agony, the distraction of Who shall now penetrate that bereaved mansion, the widow and the fatherless? Mr. president, I cannot. May the Father of all Mercies be their comforter and their support.

Of the canse and manner of the death of Mг. that it is my solemn conviction that he entertained Cilley, I forbear to speak; but allow me to say, no ill will, and intended no disrespect to Mr Graves, in any thing that occurred; and that in accepting the call, he did nothing more than he believed indispensable to avoid disgrace to himself, to his ily, and to his constituents.

fam-taining all public and private laws of congress, trea- sentatives cause 2,000 copies of the survey and ties, &c. and furnish to each member one copy of chart of the harbor of Havre de Grace and mouth this supplement free of charge.

Mr. Williams then submitted the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:

Resolved, unanimously, That the senate will attend the funeral of the honorable Jonathan Cilley, late a member of the house of representatives, from the state of Maine, at the hour of twelve o'clock to-morrow, and as a testimony of respect for the memory of the deceased, they will go into mourning by wearing crape round the left arin for thirty days. And, as an additional mark of respect to the memory of the deceased.

Resolved, That the senate do now adjourn.
The senate then adjourned.

February 27. The senate assembled at 12 o'clock, pursuant to adjournment; and after the journal was read,

Mr. White rose and said, that in order that the senate might carry into effect the resolution adopted yesterday, in relation to attending the funeral of the deceased member from Maine, he would move that the senate adjourn; which motion being concurred in,

The senate adjourned until to-morrow, at twelve o'clock.

February 28. The following petitions, &c. were presented:

By Mr. Webster: from a number of citizens of New York, praying congress to take into their serious consideration the condition of the currency, and establish a bank of the United States, for the purpose of restoring the currency to its former sound condition. Laid on the table.

Also, from Daniel A. Brown, in relation to the preservation, &c. of timber for the navy of the United States. Referred.

By Mr Buchanan: the proceedings of a meeting of the "democratic" citizens of Philadelphia county, requesting him to disobey his legislative instructions in regard to the sub-treasury scheine.Read, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. [Mr. Buchanan, in presenting these proceedings, said he regretted he could not comply with the request of the democratic delegation of the county of Philadelphia, that he should pay no regard to the instructing resolution of the legislature of Pennsylvania. On this subject his determination was fixed, and could not be changed by any human power, except the legislature itself; and, much as he respected the source from which this request emanated-and it was worthy of all respect-he could only refer the delegates to the remarks which he had made in the senate, some days ago, on presenting the resolution of instruction, as a fair exposition of his views on the subject. Had he consulted his own feelings, he should have resigned rather than obeyed; but friends whose opinion he valued had convinced him it was a case for obedience, and not for resignation. He was sorry to be placed in this position, because there was no man in the country who, as an individual, was more decidedly and strongly in favor of a separation between the banks and the government than he was himself.]

By Mr. Allen: praying the repeal of postage on newspapers not sent beyond the limits of any one county. Referred.

By Mr. Wall: against the admission of Texas. Laid on the table.

Also, the proceedings of a public meeting of citizens of New Jersey, assembled at Newark, in which Mr. W. said they had expressed their opinions in relation to a variety of public matters, from which Mr. W. differed, though he considered the meeting highly respectable. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

By Mr. Young: numerous petitions from Illinois, in relation to mail routes. Referred.

Also, various petitions in regard to pre-emption rights. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. Also, a petition asking a grant of land for the improvement of Fox river. Referred.

By Mr. White: from citizens of Sevier county, Tennessee, asking for a new mail route from Sevier court house to South Carolina. Referred.

By Mr. Clay, of Alabama: resolutions of the legislature of Alabama in favor of the annexation of Texas to the union. Read, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

By Messrs. Wall, Lyon, Mouton, and Niles: on individual claims.

Mr. Robbins, from the committee on the library, reported a joint resolution, authorizing the secretary of the senate and clerk of the house to subscribe

The resolution having been read once,

Mr. Benton said he hoped this business would stop at once. He called for the yeas and nays on the question of ordering it to a second reading. Mr. Robbins moved that the resolution be laid on the table.

Mr. Benton: Never to be called up again?

Mr. Robbins: I shall consent to no such thing. Mr. Benton: Then I move that it be indefinitely postponed.

The question on laying on the table having precedence, was put, and decided in the affirmative.

On motion of Mr. White, the special committee on the case of Mr. Ruggles, were authorized to employ a clerk.

On motion of Mr. Benton, the committee on the judiciary were instructed to inquire into the expediency of appointing a separate judge for the western district of Louisiana.

The following bills were read a third time, and passed:

For the relief of the heirs of Nathan Peter, and William Adams; for the relief of the owners of the brig Despatch and cargo; authorizing the issuing of patents to certain lands at Green Bay, Wisconsin; establishing a port of entry at Jersey city, New Jersey.

And the bill to establish two additional land districts in Wisconsin, west of the Mississippi.

[An amendment to this bill, formerly offered by Mr. Sevier, for making one land district instead of two, was discussed by Messrs. Sevier, Young, Walker, Lyon, Clay, of Alabama, and King, and rejected.]

Mr. Prentiss gave notice that he should, to-mor-
row, ask leave to bring in a bill to prohibit, under
suitable penalties, the giving and receiving, within
this district, of a challenge to fight a duel.

The senate then resumed the sub-treasury bill.
Mr. Davis rose and addressed the senate in oppo-
sition to this measure till near 4 o'clock, particu-
larly aiming to show that the late and present ad
ministrations have had in view as the main and
paramount object of all their financial measures,
the establishment of a government bank, resting on
the public revenue. Before he had concluded, he
gave way to a motion to adjourn, and
The senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Friday, February 23. In answer to a question, proposed to the chairman of the committee of ways and means, by Mr. Pickens,

Mr. Cambreleng said that that committee in the course of the ensuing week, would report a bill for the keeping and disbursing the public revenue.

Mr. Thomas, of Maryland, gave notice (as chairman of the committee on the judiciary) that, im mediately after the neutrality bill should be disposed of, he should move to take up the bill to prevent the abatement of suits, &c. against the late Bank of the United States.

Mr. Howard, by leave, moved that the house, at one o'clock this day, do take up the bill for the preservation of neutral relations; which motion was agreed to.

of the Susquehannah and head waters of the Chesapeake bay, communicated to the house on the 2d of February, 1837, from the war department, to be lithographed on a reduced scale, for the use of the

house.

Several committees having made reports, which will be duly noticed hereafter,

The speaker laid before the house a letter from the secretary of the treasury, transmitting information called for by the house on the 19th inst. in relation to the land ceded to the United States by the Shawnee Indians, under the treaty of Wapaghkonetta, and the amount due to said Indians on account of said cession.

The speaker laid before the house a letter from the secretary of the navy, transmitting the infornation called for on the 19th instant, in relation to the survey of the St. Helena bar, South Carolina.

The resolution offered on a forner day by Mr. Wm. Cost Johnson, proposing the appointment of a committee to inquire into the expediency of making a further appropriation of public lands for the purposes of education, being taken up

Mr, J. took the floor, and modified his motion so as to read as follows:

Resolved, That each of the United States has an equal right to participate in the benefit of the public lands, the common property of the union.

Resolved, That each of the states in whose favor congress have not made appropriations of land for the purposes of education are entitled to such appropriations as will correspond in a just propor tion with those heretofore made in favor of other states.

Resolved, That the committee of report a bill making an increased appropriation of the public lands, the property of the United States, yet unappropriated to all the states and territories of the union for the purposes of free schools, academies, and the promoting and diffusion of education in every part of the United States.

Mr. J. then commenced and made some progress in his remarks, in support of this resolution, when they were cut off by the arrival of the heur for the orders of the day.

The pending question was the same as on yesterday, and the debate was resumed and continued by Messrs. Crockett, Whittlesey, of Connecticut, Garland, of Virginia, Rencher, Halsted, Toucey, and Petrikin; which last named gentleman moved the previous question, upon engrossing the amendment, agreed to; (limiting the operation of the bill to January, 1840,) and another, inserting at the end of the second section the words "ether than ports or places within such conterminous state or territory," and to engross the bill for a third reading.

Upon the first count, for seconding the motion for the previous question, the ayes were 64, and the nays 43. No quorum.

The speaker then said that there was evidently a quorum present, and desired members to vote upon one side or the other.

Mr. Robertson moved (unsuccessfully) for a call of the house.

The house was then counted again (by tellers) and the call for the previous question was sustain

A number of reports from committees were re-ed. Ayes 83, noes 51. So the motion was se

ceived, which will be duly noticed in their progress. conded.
A few resolutions of minor importance having
been offered,

Mr Reed asked leave to offer a resolution grant-
ing the use of the hall to the congressional tempe-
rance society on Tuesday evening next; objection
being made,

Mr. Reed moved a suspension of the rule, in order to enable him to offer the resolution; this motion prevailed by a vote of more than two-thirdsayes 91, noes 38.

The question being upon the adoption of the resolution,

Mr. Boon demanded the yeas and nays; which were not ordered; and the resolution was adopted without a division.

The hour of one o'clock having arrived, the neutrality bill was again taken up and considered.

The pending question being on the motion of Mr. Bell, to cominit the bill to the committee of the whole, with instructions to report a substitute, which he sent to the chair yesterday.

The debate was continued by Messrs. Patton, Taylor, Howard, Dunn, McKay, Haynes, Bell, Robertson, Wise, Mercer, and Adams; when, without

for ten numbers of Niles' Register for each of coming to any decision upon either amendment the members of congress, (to be delivered every proposed. the house, on motion, adjourned, at half week,) provided that the editor would consent past 4 o'clock.

to publish the proceedings of congress, with the Saturday, Feb. 24. On motion of Mr. Worthingyeas and nays on each question so taken, and ton.

also a supplement at the end of the session, con- Resolved, That the clerk of the house of repre

The previous question was then decided in the affirmative; and the bill, as amended, was read, at the request of Mr. Patton, who remarked that the bill as it stood amended, purposed to prohibit the trade with Canada.

The bill being read, as amended,

Mr. Fillmore asked for the yeas and nays, which were ordered: and the question on ordering the bill, as amended, to a third reading was decided as

follows.

YEAS-Messrs. J. W. Allen, Anderson, Atherton, Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Bruyn, Cambreleng, T. J. Carter, Chapman, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Corwin, Craig, Crary, Cranston, Curtis, Cushman, Davies, De Graff, Evans, Farrington, Fairfield, Fry, Glascock, Grantland, Gray, Haley, Hammond, Haynes, Hoffman, Hopkins, Howard, Wm. C. Johnson, Klingensmith, Legare, Lincoln, James M. Mason, Martin, Maxwell, Mc Kay, Robert McClellan, Abraham McClellan, Mc Kin, Mc Kennan, Milligan, Miller, Morgan, S. W. Morris, Noble, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Paynter, Pearce, Pennybacker, Potter, Pratt, Rariden, Rencher, Ridgway, A. H. Shepperd, C. Shepard, Stuart, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Turney, Weeks, Elisha Whittlesey, T. T. Whittlesey, L. Williams, J. W. Williams, S. L. Williams, Worthington-76.

NAYS-Messrs Adams, Alexander, H. Allen, Aycrigg, Bell, Biddle, Bond, Boon, Borden, Bouldin, Brodhead, Bronson, Wm. B. Campbell, Wm. NILES' NATIONAL REGISTER-MARCH 3, 1838-CONGRESS.

N. Jones, KilMarB Carter, Casey, Chambers, Chancy, Clark, Clow- (duce a deep sensation in Maine, and indeed through-wards, Elmore, Evans, Everett, Fairfield, Fletcher, Haynes, Henry, Hopkins, Hubley, ney, Crockett, Davee, Deberry, Dennis, Dromgoole. out the whole country, no one can doubt: but the Fry, Gallup, Glascock, Goode, Grantland, Grant, gore, Lewis, Logan, Loomis, Lyon, Marvin, Dunn, Edwards, Everett, Fillmore, Gallup, J. Gar- annunciation of the dreadful fact to the partner of Gray, Grennell, Haley, Hall, Hammond, Hastings, land, J. Graham, William Graham, Grant, Hall, his bosom, sitting in the inidst of the young pledges of their nutual affection, little dreaming of the shocking to contemplate. tin, Maxwell, McKay, Robert McClellan, A. McHalsted, Harlan, Harper, Henry, Herod, Holsey, "He who Morgan, M. Morris, S. W. Morris, C. Morris, R. M. T. Hunter, J. Jackson, Henry Johnson, Jo- blow that awaits her, it is seph Johnson, J. W. Jones, Kemble, Lawler, No one can think of it but with feelings of the Clellan, McKim, Milligan, Miller, Montgomery, Loomis, Lyon, Mallory, Marvin, Samson Mason, most poignant and heartfelt grief. May Maury, Mercer, Mitchell, Montgomery, Calvary tempers the wind to the shorn lamb," and who Noble, Noyes, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Paynter, " will not break the bruised reed," give her that Peck, Petrikin, Plumer, Potts, Potter, Prentiss, support which she needs, and Rariden, Randolph, Reed, Rhett, Richardson, Ridgway, Rives, Russell, Sheffer, C. Shepard, Morris, Naylor, Noyes, Ogle, Patterson, Patton, Peck, Petrikin, Phillips, Plumer, Pope, Potts, consolation and Randolph, Reed, Rives, Robertson, Sawyer, Shields, Sibley, Smith, Snyder, Southgate, Spencer, Stanly, Stone, Stratton, Taliaferro, Tillinghast, Underwood, Albert S. White, Sherrod Williams, Yell, Yorke-88.

So the bill was rejected.

When this decision was announced

Mr. Patton rose, and intimating that the vote just taken could not be considered as expressing the sense of the house on the expediency of legislating in some way upon the subject to which the bill referred, but rather as proving the force of the objections taken to the form of the bill, moved a reconsideration of the vote just taken; in which motion he was supported by Mr. Tillinghast.

Mr. Howard then proposed an amendment, which he sent to the chair, and which was read.

Mr. Mason, of Ohio, moved to refer the bill and amendment to the committee on the judiciary.

Mr. Robertson, of Va. moved the reference to the committee on foreign affairs.

After a few remarks by Mr. Biddle on the merits of the question embraced in the bill,

The motion to refer to the committee on the judiciary was lost; 54 in the affirmative, nays not

counted.

The motion to recommit the bill to the committee on foreign affairs was carried; 85 in the affirmative, nays not counted.

Mr. Cambreleng gave notice that, on Monday next, he should ask the house to proceed (at one o'clock) to the consideration of the appropriation

bills.

The speaker laid before the house a letter from

With this brief and imperfect announcement, I Sheplor, Slade, Smith, Spencer, Stuart, Stratton, which no earthly power can give.

Resolved, That the members of this house will beg leave to submit the following resolutions: attend the funeral of Jonathan Cilley, deceased, late a member of the house from the state of Maine, at 12 o'clock to-morrow.

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending the funeral of Jonathan Cilley, deceased.

Resolved, That the members and officers of this
house will testify their respect for the memory of
Jonathan Cilley, by wearing crape on the left arm
for thirty days.

The resolutions were unanimously adopted.
On motion of Mr. Fairfield, the house then ad-
journed till 12 o'clock to-morrow.

Tuesday, February 27. The house met, pursu-
ant to adjournment, at 12 o'clock, for the purpose
of attending the funeral obsequies of the honorable
Jonathan Cilley, late a representative in congress
from the state of Maine.

The committee of arrangements, pall-bearers, and mourners, attended at the late residence of the which time the remains were removed, in charge deceased, at Mr. Birth's, at 11 o'clock, a. m. at of the committee of arrangements, attended by the to the hall, where the funeral service was performsergeant-at-arms of the house of representatives, ed by the reverend Mr. Slicer, and the discourse preached by the reverend Mr. Reese.

The funeral procession then moved from the hall
of the house of representatives to the place of in-
terment, in the following order:

The chaplains of both houses.
Committee of arrangements, viz:
Mr. Evans, of Maine.

Mr. Atherton, of N. H.

the secretary of the treasury, transmitting a state-
ment of contracts made in the treasury depart-
ment during the year 1837; a statement of con-
tracts relative to light-houses, beacon-lights, &c.;
a statement of payments made according to law at Mr. Connor, of N. C.
the treasury of the United States during the year
1837, for the discharge of miscellaneous claims,
and a statement of expenditures from the marine
hospital fund for the relief of sick and disabled

seamen.

Then the house, on motion, adjourned, at a quarter before 4 o'clock.

Monday, February 26. As soon as the journal was read,

Mr. Fairfield rose and addressed the house as

follows:

Mr. Coles, of Va.
Mr. Johnson, of La.
Pall bearers, viz:
Mr. Whittlesey, of Ohio, Mr. Fillmore, of N. Y.

Mr. White, of Indiana,
Mr. Thomas, of Maryland, Mr. Campbell, of S. C.
Mr. Ogle, of Pennsylvania, Mr. Martin, of Ala.
Mr. Williams, of N. Η.
The family and friends of the deceased.
The members of the house of representatives and
senators from Maine, as mourners.
The sergeant-at-arms of the house of representatives.
speaker and clerk.
The house of representatives, preceded by their

The sergeant-at-arms of the senate.

vice president and their secretary. The president of the United States. The heads of departments.

Judges of the supreme court, and its officers.

Foreign ministers.
Citizens and strangers.

Mr. Speaker: An event has occurred since our last adjournment, which has spread a deep gloom The senate of the United States, preceded by the over this community, and deprived this body of one of its most valuable members. I allude, sir, to the death of my late colleague, the honorable Jonathan Cilley, which, it is my painful duty to announce, took place on Saturday last near this city. One hour we saw him in full life, standing in the midst of us in all the pride and vigor of manhood; the next, a helpless, inanimate corpse. It is a case, sir, most melancholy and heart-rending in all its circumstances, (of which, however, this is not the occasion to speak" and brings home to our minds, with peculiar emphasis, the trite but solemn truth, that in the midst of life we are in death."

My deceased colleague was a man of uncommon talents. His mind was strong, vigorous, well stored, and well disciplined. He had, moreover, that indomitable spirit of perseverance in all the pursuits of an elevated and honorable ambition, which would not rest satisfied with low attainments. He partook largely, too, of that fearless patriotism of his ancestors, which made them "pour out their blood like water," in the war of the revolution, and which also displayed itself in the brave and chivalrous conduct of an only brother during the late war.

His fellow-citizens has often elected him to places of honor and trust in the state of his adoption, and had now given him a seat among the representatives of the nation; among us, who are now spared to deplore his abrupt and tragical removal. Though he had not long been a member of this body, he had established an enviable and an enduring reputation. His ready powers of debate, his warn and fervid eloquence, his manly bearing towards opponents, and courteous demeanor to all, will be readily acknowledged, and long remembered, by the members of this house.

That his sudden and melancholy death will pro

Tillinghast, Titus, Toucey, Turney, Vanderveer,
Weeks, A. S. White, E. Whittlesey, T. T. Whit-
tlesey, L. Williams, J. W. Williams, Worthington,
Yell, Yorke-114.

NAYS-Messrs. Bell, J. Calhoon, W. B. Camp-
bell, W. B. Carter, Chambers, Cheathain, Crans-
Harlan, Harper, Hawes, R. M. T. Hunter, W. C.
ton, Dawson, Ewing, James Garland, J. Graham,
Johnson, Mallory, J. M. Mason, S. Mason, Mc-
rod Williams. J. L. Williams, C. H. Williams-31.
Kennon, Mitchell, Robertson, Sergeant, Shields,
There being more than two-thirds in the affirma-
Snyder, Southgate, Taliaferro, John White, Sher-
tive, the rules were suspended, and leave given to
introduce the resolution, which was again read at
the clerks table.

a

Mr. Fairfield then said that, entertaining the could not refrain from offering it to the house. views and feelings which he did in reference to the awful tragedy to which the resolution referred, he Had he refused to do so, the voice of his colleague's league and friend had been deprived ived of life in blood would call to him from the ground. His colmanner and under circumstances which demanded investigation; it was due to the family of the deto the country, to humanity, and to God. He ceased, it was due from members to themselves, froin such a proposal. For, aside from the peculiar he should suppose every good trusted that no member on that floor would shrink circumstances of the present case, an opportunity man would promptly and gladly embrace, to jut was presented which down the barbarous and disgraceful practice of duelling, a practice which wantonly violated the laws of God, which outraged the best feelings of our nature, which was unworthy of the age ofcivilization in which we live. Hetrusted that the efin an endeavor to suppress a practice like this. Under the peculiar and distressing circumstances, forts of every friend of his species would be united however, of the present case, the deceased having been Mr. F.'s colleague and personal friend, shou'd the house agree to pass the resolution, he hoped the from courtesy, was supposed to require that the speaker would waive the usual practice which, name of a mover for a select committee should be pointed by the chair, and would not put him on the committee at all. placed at the head of such committee, when ap

Mr. W. C. Johnson, of Md., said that he hal voted against the motion to suspend the rules, because, on hearing the resolution read, he had ten at once convinced that its adoption would effect no possible good, or lead to any satisfactory result. No one cou'd grieve more over the calamity which had befallen the mover of the resolution, and all the other

Wednesday, Feb. 28. Immediately after the read-friends of him whose death they all mourned,

ing of the journal,

Mr. Fairfield, of Maine, asked leave to offer a
resolution, which was read for information, as fol-
lows:

members be appointed to investigate the causes
"Resolved, That a committee consisting of seven
which led to the death of the honorable Jonathan
Cilley, late a member of this house, and the cir-
cumstances connected therewith, and to report
thereon to this house."

"Resolved, That said committee have power to
send for persons and papers, and have leave to sit
during the sessions of the house."

Mr. Bell objecting to its reception at this time, Mr. Fairfield moved a suspension of the rules, to Mr. Bell stated that he had objected only because allow of his offering the resolution at this time. he thought it better to postpone any action in relation to the subject referred to for a few days, until existing excitement should have had time to subside.

Mr. Parker, of New York, demanded the yeas and nays on the question of suspending the rule; they were ordered, and, being taken, resulted as follows:

than himself, but he had opposed the introdution of
this resolution because he did not know what power
moralist, he lamented, as all must lament, that the
congress possessed to suppress duelling. As a
tion such a dreadful resort. None could be more
state of society was supposed to be such as to sarc-
sorry that appeals of that description were thought
morning papers contained a detailed statement of
to be necessary. But still, he must ask, what good
would be effected by the proposed inquiry? The
all the particulars of this melancholly affair; the
and circumstances of the case.
house was already thus possessed of all the facts

And where was its

power, under the constitution, to enact an antiduelling law? Todo that was the right of the states. fully within the pale of their jurisdiction to do so: Many of the states had enacted such laws; it was but any like attempt on the part of congress would own citizens, and protect their lives and character. be a usurpation of power. It was, by the constiHe had voted against the suspension, and should tution, left to the state to purify the morals of their consider himself as reflecting on all the parties in vote against the resolution, for another reason. By voting in favor of a measure like this, he should any way concerned in this transaction; it implied

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Alexander, Heman Allen, Anderson, Atherton, Aycrigg, Beatty, Beirne, a reflection on the prudence, judgment, and wisBicknell, Biddle, Birdsall, Bond, Boon, Borden, dom of both the parties. Had any fraud, any deto either of the parties or of their friends Cambreleng, Casey, Clark, Coles, Craig, Crary, thing that would justify a vote of expulsion, been Bouldin, Briggs, Broadhead, Bruyn, W. B. Cushman, Davies, Deberry, DeGraff, Dunn, Ed-imputed

Calhoun, ception, any moral delinquincy of any sort, any

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