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FIFTH SERIES. No. 9. VOL. IV.]

WASHINGTON CITY, APRIL 28, 1838.

THE PAST-THE PRESENT FOR THE FUTURE.

[VOL. LIV.-WHOLE No. 1,387.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED, EVERY SATURDAY, BY WILLIAM OGDEN NILES, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.

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We have inadvertently copied from the "Globe" the report of the majority of the commit- District. tee appointed to investigate the causes of the late duel, under an impression that we would have been able to have accompanied it with the reports presented by Messrs. Grennell and Elmore, and the final action of the house upon the subject. This not being the case, it becomes necessary, in order to avoid the imputation of concurrence with the majority, to say, that the report has not been adopted that it has not even been printed by order of the house, and that the whole matter is still under consideration.

It is not often that, even through inadvertence, we have presented a one-sided view of a question, and would have avoided it in the present instance, if we

could have done so without greatly delaying the appearance of the present sheet. We will, of course, publish the other reports as soon as they are directed to be published, and give such parts of the testimony and the debate as shall do full justice to all the partes concerned.

Great rejoicing has taken place in New York in consequence of the arrival at that place of the steam packets Sirus and Great Western, from England, in very quick passages. Among other demonstrations of pleasure, was a splendid dinner to the commanders by the corporation; but we are so much pressed for room that we must postpone an account

of all that occurred on the occasion until our next.

M. Bodiscoe, minister from Russia to the United States, and his suite, arrived at New York on Wednesday last in the packet ship Meteor, from

London.

The Hon. Henry A. Muhlenburg, minister of the United States to Austria, with his family, and John Randolph Clay, esq., secretary of legation, with his family, sailed from New York on Wednes. day in the packet ship Burgundy for Havre.

GEN. JACKSON visited Nashville on the 19th inst. and remained several days. He has nearly regained his usual health.

CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION. On Wednesday last an election was held in the congressional district composed of the cities of Baltimore and Annapolis, and Anne Arundel county, to find the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. McKim, which resulted in favor of John P. Kennedy, est., the whig candidate, by a majority of 862 votes.

The following is believed to be a correct state

ment of the result:

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12

538

710

172

1290

670

670

620

In the regular congressional election, held in

5

6

Total,

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For Kennedy
Marriott

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BANKS, CURRENCY, &c. The New York Commercial Advertiser of Monday afternoon says

"Some of the banks of thus city commenced paying out their notes on Friday and Saturday last. This morning they are doing so very generally, and although the resolution for a resumption of specie payments is not yet formally in force, still specie can be obtained, if wanted, from any of them. The banks have all resolved to resume on the 9th of May, and we rather suspect that they intend to do so on Monday next, albeit not authorized thus to speak." The same paper of Wednesday afternoon has the

following:

New custom house order. We understand that

instructions were received this morning, autho-
rising the collector of customs in this city to receive
all the notes of the city banks, of those who do not

issue paper of a less denomination than five dollars.
The fifth section of a recent law prevents the re-
ceipt of such notes. The banks in this city which
have not availed themselves of the late law of this
state are the Manhattan, Bank of America, and

the Bank of the State of New York.

The Express of Wednesday says

The Mechanics', the Merchants', the New York, the Commercial and the State Banks, have come forward and pay out their notes freely for every check

Sales at Philadelphia, April 25.

Major John S. Gooch, agent of the Mississippi Union Bank, left Washington on Wednesday with the engravings and materials necessary for the bank. On his arrival, the state bonds will be executed for $5,000,090 and disposed of at once, and when the ten millions, in addition to this are subscribed, the state will issue its bonds for ten millions more, to be likewise disposed of.

Nashville, April 20, 4 P. M. Money matters grow worse. The depreciation on the notes of the Mississippi banks is enormous, and we were told by the brokers this morning that large sums of this description of paper could not be sold at any sacrifice short of one third or one half of the amount. Small lots are discounted at the following rates:

Natchez bank and branches, 20 a 25; Vicksburg rail road, 20 a 25; Bank of Vicksburg, 25; Vicksburg water co. 25; Brandon 35; Tombigby, Columbus, 25; Commercial, Columbus, 25; Madison city bank 25; Lake Washington 30; Real estate, Holly springs, no sales; Manchester 25.

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The Diario del Gobierno of the 26th, published at the Mexican capital says, "At a quarter past 10 o'clock, this morning, the supreme government received the ultimatum announced by the French minister, Baron Deffandis, and this evening it will be presented, and pay any demand on them for specie communicated to congress. We will speak to-morrow, with great cheerfulness. We are told also, that they and will continue to speak in all our numbers on a are liberal in their discounts. Several of the other topic of so great national interest, and which the gobanks do not pay out their bills, which is to be re- vernment has inanaged, and without doubt will congretted, as the community are suffering beyond all tinue to manage, in a manner which shall satisfy the reason for the want of a circulating inedium. Many desire and expectations of the Mexicans." of the banks have not a dollar in circulation, or that By mercantile letters we learn that the French ulcan be got hold of. Thus for months and months timatum contained the following hard terms, viz: the citizens of New York have not seen a dollar of that the Mexicans should pay $600,000 for claims, our own bank notes. Every bill has been, as fast and $55,000 to the families of five Frenchinen who as it has reached the bank, clutched with eagerness, had been shot by order of the authorities, and that not again to be put in circulation. Many of the banks have not only hoarded up their own bills, but have in their possession large amounts of their neighbor's bank notes. But now the banks, if they have any real wish, as they must have to make money plenty, must come out at once, and not only issue their notes, but discount freely, so as to relieve the community. The instant money becomes plenty there will be but little call for specie.

The bills of all the city banks of New York are now received at that post office for postage.

The New York Journal of Commerce, of Monday, second edition, says, "The banks have all resumed specie payments in the broadest extent, bills, deposits and all; and more than that, they pay out their own notes only."

It is also stated in the Journal of Commerce that a loan of a million of dollars has been negotiated in

New York for Tennessee, within a few days, and

one of $600,000 for Ohio.

We find the following in the New York Courier and Enquirer in relation to the Boston banks.

"We learn by gentlemen, passengers in yester

the government should cashier two judges at Mexico, one at Puebla; and Gomez, commandant at Tampico. If these terms were not complied with by the 15th of April, hostilities were to commence.

It was very sickly in the Mexican capital. Fever was one of the most prevalent diseases.

Etforts were made to raise the brig of war Libertador, which, during the gale in December last, was driven against the castle of Uloa, and sunk.

EXAMINATION OF MIDSHIPMEN. Navy Depariment, April 25, 1838. A board for the examination of midshipmen whose warrants bear date prior to the 1st day of January, 1833, will be corvened at Baltimore on Monday, the 28th of May next.

It is expected that all midshipmen who may be entitled to examination under the regulation of the de

partment, will attend at the above mentioned time and place, and report to commodore James Biddle, president of the board.

THE CHEROKEES. The Nashville Whig states

day's boat, from Boston, that a meeting of the offi- that in ordering gen. Scott to the Cherokee country, cers of the banks of that city, held on Friday even- the secretary of war directed him to call upon the ing, it was resolved to redeem all their notes of the executive of the states of Tennessee, North Carolina, denomination of five dollars and under, and that the and Georgia, in the event that he should require resolution was carried into effect on Saturday, the an additional force in carrying out the treaty. The banks on that day paying specie for all their paper departinent has given notice to governor Cannon, of July, presented. Virtually, the resumption is considered Tennessee, that such a call may made, with a re. 1837, the average majority for the Van Buren ticket entire, as it is understood that the banks will fur- quest that it may be responded to by his excellency. in the city of Baltimore was 283 votes; and the nish any amount of specie for ordinary business The governor has replied, by letter, with his acaverage majority for the same ticket in the whole purposes, and no demand for any other can be anti- customed promptness, that the state will be prepared district, was 251 votes. cipated, at present." to meet the requisitions

VOL. LIV. Sic. 9.

GOVERNOR MARCY'S SPECIAL MESSAGE.trary, they have so far extended their issues of pa-
To the senate and assembly:

dispense those accommodations which a wholesome state of business requires.

Until very recently, it was generally expected that such would be the course of events. It was

per as materially to diminish its value and render
it of little use as a medium for the collection of
debts due to our citizens. The losses by the course
of domestic exchanges, consequent upon the great confidently believed that the period of general re-
depreciation in the value of southern and western sumption, at least throughout the eastern, middle,
bank paper, have added to the embarrassments of and some of the western states, was at hand; that
our merchants, and greatly impaired the resources. it would be the beginning of an auspicious change
Although the suspension, owing to various causes, in our pecuniary affairs; that the gioom which had
has operated much more severely in some places so long been gathering and thickening over the
than in others, it must be regarded as a common land would thereafter gradually disappear, and we
calamity, and its continuance cannot be otherwise should be cheered by a season of wonted pros-
than injurious to all sections of the country; it is perity.

therefore to be regretted that all sections have not I regret that it becomes my duty to announce to
felt an equal solicitude for the restoration of our you that these pleasing anticipations are not likely
currency to a sound condition, and adopted inea- to be realized, and to exhibit to you a much less in-
sures equally vigorous for producing so desirable a viting prospect a prospect in which our banks
result. Such, however, has not been the course of will not only have to commence without co-opera-
proceeding on the part of all. Indeed, it is now tion in the resumption of specie payinents, but will,
no longer a matter of doubt that the movement for some time at least, have to stand alone, and
here, in relation to resuming payments in specie, struggle not only with the inevitable difficulties of
must be made without the co-operation of any

other state.

FELLOW-CITIZENS: The time is not far distant when the banks of this state will resume specie payments; and it can now be anticipated with tolerable certainty, what will be the situation of things when this event shall take place. The period of resumption has been looked for with much anxiety, and strong hopes have been indulged that it would be attended with a highly important improvement in the business concerns of the country. Since the general suspension of specie payments in the month of May last, the banks which have furnished their monthly statements to the commissioners have made commendable efforts to put theinselves in a condition to resume. On the first of June last, their liabilities amounted to about sixtyfour millions of dollars, while the debt due to them for loans and discounts exceeded sixty-seven millions. From that period to the present time, a course of rapid curtailment has been steadily pursued, so that their liabilities on the first of the present month were but fifty-three millions, and their loans and discounts were less than fifty-six millions. By this process of reduction, the condition of our banks has been greatly improved, and their ability to meet and sustain specie payments, is now fully equal to what it has been at any former period. This remark is pa particularly applicable to the banks in the city of New York, where, amidst a general depression of business, the most rigorous and praiseworthy efforts have been put forth to prepare for an early and successful resumption. The institutions in that city have, during the suspension deinand for which was one of the principal causes of specie payments, reduced their liabilities more than six and a half millions of dollars. Their specie during the same period has increased from about $1,800,000, to more than $3,500,000, to which, in estimating their ability to ineet their engagements, should be added about one million and a half of dollars purchased and ordered from abroad, and expected to arrive early in the ensuing month. The banks throughout the state which have made reports to the cominissioners, have reduced their liabilities more than eleven millions of dollars, their loans and discounts about the same amount, and their circulation from about nine millions of dollars to about four millions.

The banking institutions of this state are therefore in the best condition for a return to the payment of specie, and appear to be determined, as they certainly should be, that no effort on their part shall be wanting to place the state and its business interests in the most desirable position.

The reduction of discounts, the contraction of circulation, and the means employed to procure a supply of specie-all rendered necessary in preparing for resumption-have borne heavily upon almost all classes of our citizens, and been particularly injurious to those branches of business which required the use of large capitals, or depended upon

credit for success.

such a measure, but with others, perhaps, superadded to them, a.ising from the condition, and possibly from the hostility of non-specie paying banks in other states.

I have not been able to discover any adequate reason why the banks in some of the other states, and particularly in the Atlantic cities, could not have been in as favorable a condition to resume as our own. The main causes which led to the suspension have for some time ceased to operate, and others of an opposite tendency are exerting a erting beneficial influence in restoring the currency to a heath with a view of securing to themselves the benefits

ful state.

Surrounded on all sides, as we shall be, by banks emitting irredeemable paper, it is not perhaps uncharitable to indulge a fear that they may consult their own interest by making efforts to embarrass and circumscribe the operations of our institutions The commercial debt abroad, which was of an extensive circulation of their bills in this

large at the period of suspension, and the pressing

of that calamity, is now mostly paid off or arranged;
foreign exchanges are decidedly in our favor; the
precious metals instead of being in demand for ex-
portation, are coming into the country in great
abundance from every quarter.

state. In this manner we may be deprived of a sufficient supply of a sound currency, and in our necessities be forced to use their depreciated paper and thereby minister to their interest while they are persisting, contrary to good policy and in violation of their own obligations, in holding themselves in an irredeemable state. But assuming, as it is proper perhaps that we should do, that the refusal of the banks of other states to unite with ours in resuming, is owing to a convention on their part that they are not in a condition to sustain themselves in that measure, they will undoubtedly avail them

In a state of things so favorable to a general resumption, it can scarcely be doubted that with proper preparatory measures the banks in most parts of the union, if they had been in concert, or with reference to the general prosperity of the country, might have been in a situation to resume specie pay-selves of the means which the resumption in this ments as early as the period &xed on for that purpose by the banks of this state. It is not to be denied that these preparatory measures, whenever resorted to, must lead to a temporary increase of embarrassments in most branches of business. While one place or section of the country submits to the sacrifices which result from these unavoidable measures, for the purpose of removing the evils of a disordered currency, it was to be hoped that other parts of the union would not be so far misled by any narrow views of temporary and local interest, as to decline the like sacrifices and refuse a ready concurrence in a course of proeceding so essential to the general prosperity.

state will afford them, to recover from their weakness, and transfer to themselves the resources which our institutions have, at considerable expense, provided for their own security. Banks that persist in issuing an irredeemable currency will by the use of it be enabled to possess themselves of claims against such as have resumed, and by exacting specie and refusing to pay it in satisfaction of demands against themselves, they will be enabled to impair and eventually exhaust the resources of the latter iustitations unless they circumscribe within narrow limits their accommodations to the public. Situated as our banks are in relation to those in the Atlantie cities which have announced their determination to continue the issue of an irredeemable currencyconsidering the amount of their capital and their immense resources and the probable consequences of

For the purposes of this communication, it is not important to determine the cause or the motive that has influenced the conduct of those institutions Owing to causes alluded to in my message at the which have refused to co-operate with ours in the a serious attempt by them confederated and coopening of the present session, our constituents in measure of resumption. It is now reduced to a operating in favor of the suspension policy, or even all parts of the state shared largely in the distress- moral certainty that there will be no general move- by the United States Bank of Pennsylvania alone, es which preceded and immediately followed the ment on this subject, and that the banks of this with a capital much larger than the aggregated suspension of specie payments. Such was the case state will enter into that measure without the co-capitals of all the banks in the city of New Yorkin an especial manner with the citizens of our operation and I wish I could say they would be to withdraw the specie which has been collected by great commercial emporium. The loss of about permitted to maintain themselves in it without the

our institutions as a necessary preparatory step to

fifteen millions of capital by the fire of December, open or covert hostility of those which cannot or resumption:--and looking to the deplorable effects 1835-the interruption of business by the unparal- will not unite with them or immediately follow their leled commercial revulsion which soon followed example.

which would result in the remote contingency of being obliged by the aggressions of the non-specie paying banks, or other untoward events to suspend a second time; every consideration of prudence wil induce our banks to proceed with the utmost

that disastrous event-the sudden withdrawal fron The suspension law of the last session expires on deposite, in the midst of all this depression, of ten the 16th of May next, and the banks in the city of millions of public money-all having occurred New York have determined to resume the payment within the space of about twenty-seven months, co- of all demands against them in specie on the 10th circumspection and to confine their operations with. operate with other considerations to induce the of that month. The country banks of this state in perfectly safe limits.

legislature to extend its aid in an efficient manner, are prepared to take the same step at the same time, If there were no other object to answer than the if it should become necessary, to shield our insti- and all classes and interests, it is believed, are rea- success of the attempt to resume, the subject would tutions from threatened hostility, and thereby to dy to aid those efforts by a generous confidence and be presented to us in a much less imposing aspect, protect and foster the general interests of the peo- approval. I do not doubt that our institutions will and interposition by the legislature might not he ple. It is also proper to remark, that about three sustain themselves. whatever may be the course

inillions of the amount of deposites withdrawn from pursued by the banks in other states; but the effects the banks in the city of New York, were appor- of this measure upon the business concerns of the tioned to the several counties and towns in the people of this state, will depend in a great degree state, and loaned to the citizens thereof under the upon the relation in which our banks will be placed law of the last session in relation to the surplus in reference to those in other parts of the union; moneys belonging to the United States.

and in an especial manner to those in the neighbor

deemed necessary; but if the banks are to continue in their present contracted state after they have re. sumed, and particularly if the circumstances to which I have alluded, and others of an obvious character, are likely to require further contraction on their part, very few indeed of the benefits which have been anticipated from a return to specie payments will be realized. Though they discharge their obligations in the legal currency, if they continue to reduce their discounts, or if they do not gradually expand, the public will not be essentially

There is also another feature in the case present- ing Atlantic cities. If all, or nearly all the banks ed by the depressed state of business in the city of in the principal commercial places had resolved, as New York, which should not pass without observa- it was anticipated a short time since they would do, tion. A large portion of the trade of that city is to resume at about the same period, and had entertransacted with distant sections of the union. The ed upon that course earnestly, in good faith, and relieved; the laboring classes will look in vain for causes which have operated so extensively to de- with kindly feelings towards each other, they would their accustomed employment; most kinds of agrirange the general currency of the country, have have met with few difficulties; they might probably cultural products will decline in price; our manuproduced the most serious effects in the states south and west. There is reason to believe that the banks in that vast and important region, have not been influenced in an equal degree by the considerations which have controlled our institutions and brought them into a sound condition; but that, on the con

have expected mutual forbearance in any emergen-facturing establishments cannot be put in successful cy-and certainly would have had no cause to fear operation; various branches of mechanical business hostility from any source whatever. Vigorous and will be deprived of a wholesome degree of encourunited efforts among themselves would have accel-agement; trade will continue in its present depress. lerated the return of public confidence, and with it ed condition; the disorders of the currency will be they would have been at once in a condition to but partially removed, and the immoral practices which spring from such disorders, will be but par- | banking institutions that the uncertain period of probable. This board, with a distinguished French tially reinedied.

It is confidently believed that the interposition of the credit of the state in case an emergency shall arise imperiously demanding a resort to such a measure, would give success to the efforts now making to correct the numerous evils which have arisen from the present deranged and vitiated state of our currency, and it appears to me that if such would be its effects, there should be no hesitation on the part of the legislature in applying the remedy. The benefits of such an interposition would be general, inasmuch as it would contribute in no inconsiderable degree to relieve almost all branches of business from depression, and all classes of our citizens from the inconveniences, inseparable from the use of an irredeemable and depreciated paper. To avoid the creation of a new stock for the express purpose of being loaned to the banks for a long period, I recommend that the commissioners of the canal fund be authorized to issue stock, which it is now certain will become necessary within a few years, for the enlargement of the Erie

resumption must be delayed until the accomplish- engineer at its head, reported a system of fortificament of certain pecuniary operations and political tions, extensive and sufficiently complete, though objects which are distinctly shadowed forth in his to say that it would afford entire protection would letter, there is very strong reason to fear that the be untrue. The first class of fortifications were of banks of this state will not be perinitted to pursue stupendous dimensions, designed to protect the the course which they have resolved to take with large towns and other important points that were out encountering more than the intrinsic difficulties most assailable. The subordinate classes were also of the measure. I am confidently persuaded that a on a scale proportionately large. Congress emvast majority, if not almost the entire mass of our braced this system, and proceeded to carry it into constituents, are opposed to, and will expect their effect.

representatives and public functionaries to resist, Mr. D. thought it was now important to look at the policy put forth by the United States Bank, of it. Though it was doubtless best that the country continuing the issue of an irredeemable currency. should be well protected against invasion, he had at In the division which will spring from the extraor- all times given his votes to sustain this system with dinary position taken upon this subject, the people some degree of reluctance, under the belief that it of this state, and its banking institutions will, I was an overgrown system. He had now before trust, be found among the friends and supporters of him the original estimate of the three classes of fora sound currency-a currency equivalent in value, tifications, and he found that the engineers estito the legal standard; and will be arrayed against mated the whole cost at about $18,000,000. He the policy of continuing the issue of irredeemable had the curiosity also to look at the actual expenpaper. To carry out their views in relation to this ditures on those forts that were said to be completsubject, to sustain our institutions in the measure of ed, which were ten or twelve in number, and he

canal, and the completion of the Black river and resumption, and to put an end to the evils of a de- found that their construction had cost just about Genesec valley canals, and if the apprehended einer- based circulating medium, I cannot doubt that they twice as much as was originally estimated by the gency should arise demanding its use, to loan it to I will approve of the interposition by the legislature, engineers. At that rate this system, when comthe banks, requiring of them the most ample secu-in the manner I have suggested, or in any other pleted, would have cost at least $36,000,000; and rity for the punctual payment of the interest, and more efficient manner that inay be devised. View- then what followed? This would be the simple exthe reimbursment of the principal from time to ing this subject in reference to the present posture pense of construction alone; they must subsequenttime, as the money may be wanted in the progress

of these works.

The amount necessary for the completion of these
works, will exceed the sum which may be required,
in any event to sustain our state institutions against of specie payments beyond the period imposed by

hostile attacks from whatever quarter they may come, and to enable them to grant such assistance

of our pecuniary affairs, to the embarrassment in
which almost all branches of business are involved,
and especially in reference to the atteinpt, by a for
midable moneyed power, to prolong the suspension
necessity, I believe the present crisis must be gen-
erally regarded as one in which it is "the duty of

promise such a result.
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,

Albany April 12, 1833.

W. L. MARCY.

SYSTEM OF DEFENCE.

as will invigorate all branches of industry, call forth the state to stand forth in its strength, and by the
the energies of the state, and give an onward move- use of its credit and the sanction of its name, to
ment to its business concerns. Although intelligent shield its institutions and its citizens from harın."
merchants and bankers are of opinion that it will I am ready to co-operate with the other departments
not probably be necessary to use the credit of the of the government in every proper effort that shall
state, yet it may be otherwise, and the recent expo-
sition of the views and policy of the Bank of the
United States increases the apprehensions that a
crisis will arise in which the credit of the state to
some extent may be required. With a view of
making ample provision for any such exigency, 1
respectfully recommend that authority should be
given, in the manner suggested, to issue stock for
the contemplated purpose to the amount of six or
eight millions of dollars. This recommendation
does not, it will be perceived, promise the creation
of a stock, and eventually, if need be, the raising
of money expressly for sustaining the banks in the
measure of resumption and retrieving from their
present depression the business concerns of the
people, but it suggests for these highly important

In the senate of the United States, April 10, 1838.
The resolution offered some time since by Mr.
Davis, calling on the department for information to
enable the senate to determine what fortifications
might be diminished and dispensed with, and
whether a system of defence, by the aid of steam
batteries, would not be more economical and effi-
cient than the present sysem, coming up for con-
sideration,
Mr. Davis said he wished to offer a few words of

ly be armed, manned, and maintained.

Twenty years had now nearly elapsed since this process was commenced; and Mr. D. asked whether, during that time, there had not been changes in the country which demanded that we should look into the system, and see whether it ought not in justice to be modified. Mr. D. had now referred to steam as a means of defence. It was true that at the time when the system was adopted, steam, as a means of s defence, was not unknown; it was experimented upon to some extent, but it was not so matured as to be very materially regarded in providing for the defence of this frontier. But inquiry into this subject, and the employment of steam in the civil marine, had now more fully developed its character, and shown that it could be employed as one of the most effective agents in the defence of the country. The question, therefore, arose, whether there ought not to be some modifications in the present system, and whether it might not be expedient to abandon some, and to diminish others of the existing and projected fortifications.

In saying this, Mr. D. by no means wished to lessen the efficiency of the defences of the country; but he desired that there should be no unnecessary expenditure of the public money; and, above all, he would not unnecessarily lay such foundations as would render it necessary or expe

purposes, that the moneys which it is known will explanation, though the resolutions spoke pretty dient to maintain a large standing army. The force be required for the public works already authorized distinctly for themselves. They looked to rather necessary to man these fortifications was set down by law, should be raised a short time before they an important end, and he desired, therefore, to call in these estimates at nearly 38,000 in time of war, are wanted for expenditure. It is by no means to them, particularly, the attention of the senate and in time of peace at about 5,000; and it was well certain that it will be necessary to use the power and of the exccutive department of the govern- known that subjects of this sort were always prehereby recommended to be invested in the coinmis- ment. sented to congress in the most favorable aspect; and sioners of the canal fund, but the consequences The government was now in want of funds, run therefore the 38,000 and 5,000 might be consider

which would result to the state at large in case the contingency which might require its exercise should happen would be so extremely injurious, that I deem it expedient that the measure herein suggest. overflowing, at the last session a loan of $10,000,- of men must be doubled. But at least, though Mr. ed, or some one of a similar character, should be adopted.

aground, as had been said by the senator from Mis-ed as the minimum numbers; and if the same rule souri. It was too true that, notwithstanding there should be applied as was found applicable to the had lately been a great surplus, a treasury full to expenditures, it would turn out that the numbers

A new interest is, in my opinion, given to the subject I have presented, and much force is added to the considerations in favor of the measure I have recommended, by the course of conduet which it is the avowed intention of the United States Bank of Philadelphia to pursue in relation to the resumption. Had the determination to oppose a return to specie payments, and the bold avowal of the policy of maintaining irredeemable issues, come from any other quarter, they would have caused much less surprise and regret. This institution has a capital of thirty-five millions of dollars, and possesses by

000 to the government had been provided for; and D. did not pretend to accuracy in his own estimates
now, in the other house, a proposition had been on this subject, he knew full well that the 38,000
brought forward for a toan of $10,000,000 more, and 5,000 men were put down as the sinallest num-
which, in all, would make a loan to the government bers. He would not estimate the expense of main-
of $20,000,000 within the present year. This taining these men, though he believed it was placed
amount, a short time ago, would have been con- by the department at about $300 a year for each
sidered much more than enough for the annual uses inan. But it was not for that particularly that he
of the government; but it seemed that it was now
required in addition to the current revenue. Mr.
D. however, alluded to these facts to show that the
treasury and the revenue of the country were in an
embarrassed condition, and that, too, when the
country generally was at peace and free from apub- its support out of the treasury, and its sympathies
lic debt. These resolutions were designed to call would follow the power that directly maintained it.

objected to a standing army; and he meant in no way to disparage our troops in saying that a stand. ing army was in its very nature uncongenial to our institutions. Its sympathies were of course with the governinent, and not with the people; it drew

the terms of its charter, much more than ordinary the attention of the executive department of the It would therefore be effectively in the hands of banking powers and privileges-it has its agencies government to the defences of the Atlantic fron- the government; and, whenever the government and long established business connexions in almost tier, for the purpose of an examination, to ascer- chose to turn it to its own purposes, it might turn every state in the union-it enjoys an extensive tain what might be done in regard to them, in the it against the people themselves and the liberties of credit, not only in this country, but in Europe; and way of economy as well as efficiency. When those the country; and his having the power to do so its resources derived from this consideration alone, fortifications were commenced, we had recently made it a dangerous engine in the hands of the are immense, it most confidently relies, as appears come out of a war with Great Britain, in which the executive of a free government The institution by the language of its president, upon the subser Atlantic frontier had suffered much annoyance, of the militia was of revolutionary origin; and, alviency of the banks of all the states except New commerce having been obstructed, and some small though it had been ridiculed, yet it must he regardYork, in falling into its views and co-operating with towns destroyed, and others menaced. It was, ed, by every cautious friend of republican princiIt in carrying them into effect. When this formi- therefore, felt to be necessary to provide for the de- ples, as the only safe force for a free people, because dable power, I believe I am warranted in saying fence of that frontier; and it might be said that, the citizen soldier was the only one that could be this formidable combination of powers, is arrayed feeling the evils of that war, they went rather to against the measure of resuming specie payments, the opposite extreme in preparing for its defence, and has become the open champion of the suspen- that it might not be found again in the same expension policy, and the advocate of an irredeemable posed condition. A board of engineers was apcurrency-when it is publicly announced by the pointed to examine the coast, and report to govern president of the United States Bank-the central ment an efficient system of defence, to be ready Mr. D. had said in the outset that the treasury power, as it may be called, of a confederation of when another war should occur, which was not im. I was embarrassed, and all admitted that it was so

relied on for the support of liberty. On these ar counts, especially, it was very desirable that the number of standing troops for the defence of the country should be as small as was possibly consistent with its safety,

fective, so as to drive the enemy out of our waters, impression that I opposed it. How? I was not in
and force them to sea, where they could not live, congress when war was declared, nor in public lite,
except at a distance from the coast. This would
a great advantage, and give the greatest possible

security to the country.
After some remarks from Mr. Benton the resolu-
tion was agreed to.

anywhere, I was pursuing my profession, and keeping company with judges, sheriffs, and jurors, and plaintiffs and defendants. If I had been in congress, and had enjoyed the benefit of hearing the honorable gentleman's speeches, for all I can say, I might have concurred with him. But I was not in public life. I never had been, for a single hour; and was in no situation, therefore, to oppose or to support the declaration of war. I am speaking to the fact, sir; and if the gentleman, has any fact, let us know it.

There had been, long ago, a call for great econo-steam batteries they would be immensely more ef-ty-five years since it terminated. He woutd leave an my, for limited expenditures, for a general reform; and yet had there been any sort of reform in the expenditures? And if there had been, where was it? The administration of Mr. Adans was de- be nounced for its prodigality, for the great number of its officers, for its extravagant expenditures of anoney; and if all this could have been shown, Mr. D. would have gone into any company to correct the evil. But had the expenditures of the government been ever diminished, in any branch of public service? Had the number of its officers been ever reduced? Had a system of reform been carried out in any manner? If so, Mr. D. had never been aware of it. The blue book would show that the number of officers had, on the contrary, been greatly increased. Nor had their salaries been dimin

ished. Mr. D. was not aware that the salary of one individual among them had been diminished for the last nine years; on the contrary, he knew, and every gentleman who heard him knew, that whenever the subject was touched at all in congress their salaries had been raised, and that in very many instances. There was, then, no great reform in all this. Mr. Adam's administration had expend

ed about $12,000,000, annually, and in 1836-7 the expenditure had risen to more than $30,000,000 a year.

Mr. D. was at an utter loss how to see where there had been any reform or retrenchment. He hoped for something from this matter, if such answers were made as he had reason to expect to the resolutions. He hoped for a saving in this branch of the expenditures, if the inforination came in season to be used when the appropriation bills should

come under consideration.

Mr. D. proceeded to show, in detail, the great advantages that might be expected from the use of steam-batteries, especially in keeping the enemy's ships of war out of our bays and sounds, keeping our commerce open, and our towns and villages more free from danger and alarm. He urged, also, that Great Britain, by using them on her part, would ultimately compel us to use them, willing or not, which we might do with great comparative advantage, having the means and the materials at hand in all parts of the country, while their depots must be at Halifax and Bermuda. He insisted that it was high time for the government to enter into an inquiry on this subject with zeal and earnest

ness.

He said we all remembered how the population of Chesapeake bay were harassed, the shipping destroyed, the trade upon this great inland throughfare completely cut up, by British vessels that had possession of this highway, while we had no means

of resisting their depredations. To obviate this,

we had built two fortifications at an outlay of from three to four millions, to secure Hampton Roads, but these did not shut an enemy out of the bay. They only served as a place of refuge for our own

MR. WEESTER'S SPEECH,

In answer to Mr. Calhoun-March 22, 1838.
On Thursday, the 22d of March, Mr. Calhoun de-
Livered the speech which was published in our last, in
answer to Mr. Webster's speech of March 12. When
he had concluded, Mr. Webster immediately rose, and

addressed the senare as follows:

Mr. FRESIDENT: I came rather late to the senate this

morning, and happening to meet a friend on the ave-
nue, I was admonished by him to hasten my steps, as
"ide war was to be carried into Africa," and I was ex-
pected to be annihilated. I lost no time in following
the advice, sir, since it would be awkward for one to
be annihilated without knowing any thing about it.
Well, sir, the war has been brought into Africa. The
honorable member has made an expedition into regions
as distant from the subject of this debate as the orb of
Jupiter is from that of our earth. He has spoken of the
tariff, of slavery, and of the late war. Of all this I do
not complain. On the contrary, if it be his pleasure to
allude to all, or any of these topics, for any purpose
whatever, I am ready at all times to hear him.

Sir, this carrying the war into Africa, which has be-
come so common a phrase among us, is, indeed, imi-
tating a great example; but it is an example which is
not always followed by success. In the first place, sir,
every man, though he be a man of talent and genius,
is not a Scipio; and in the next place, as I recollect this
part of Roman and Carthagenian history the gentle

Well, sir, I came into congress during the war. I found it waged, and raging. And what did I do here

to oppose it? Look to the journals. Let the honorable gentleman tax his memory. Bring up any thing, if there be any thing to bring up-not showing error of opinion, but showing want of loyalty or fidelity to the country. I did not agree to all that was proposed, nor did the honorable gentleman. I did not approve of every measure, nor did he.

The war had been preceded by the restrictive system and the embargo. As a private individual, I certainly did not think well of these measures. It appeared to me the cinbargo annoyed us as much as our enemies, while it destroyed the business and cramped the spirits of the people.

In this opinion I may have been right or wroug, but the gentleman was himself of the same opinion. He told us, the other day, as a proof of his independence of party, on great questions, that he diffcred with his friends on subject of the embargo. He was de

the

cidedly and unalterably opposed to it. It furnishes, in his judgment, therefore, no imputation either on my patriotisın, or the sundness of my political opinions, that I was opposed to it also. I mean opposed in opin

man may be more accurate-butas I recollect it, when tion to measures for carrying on the war, after I came

Scipio resolved upon carrying the war into Africa,
Hannibal was not at home. Now, sir, I am very little
like Hannibal, but I am at home; and when Scipio
Africanus South Carolinaensis brings the war into iny
territories, I shall not leave their defence to Asdrubal,
nor Syphax, nor any body else. I meet him on the
shore, at his landing, and propose but one contest,
Concurritur;

"Aut cita mors, aut victoria læta."

Mr. President, I had made up my mind that if the honorable gentleman should confine himself to a reply, in the ordinary way, I would not say another syllable. But he has not done so. He has gone off into subjects quite remote from all connexion with revenue, commerce, finance, or sub-treasuries, and invites to a discussion which, however uninteresting to the public at the present moment, is too personal to be declined by me.

He says, sir, that I had undertaken to compare my political character and conduct with hus. Far from it. I attempted no such thing. I compared the gent.eman's political opinions at different times, with one another, and expressed decided opposition to those which he now holds. And I did, certainly, advert to the general tone and drift of the gentleman's sentiments and expressions, for some years past, in their bearing on the union, with such remarks as I thought they desery

began the debate by attempting to exhil't a contrast
between the present opinions and conduct of my
friends and myself, and our recent opinions and con-
duct. Here is the first charge of inconsistency; let the
public judge whether he has made it good. He says,

vessels, and this was a great point gained. If we ed; but Iinstmuted no comparison between him and
now added a sinall fleet of heavy arined steamers to myscf. He way institute one, if he pleases, and when
the defence of this water, no vessel or vessels he pleases. Seeking nothing of this kind, 1 avoid
wonld dare enter it, whatever might be their force, nothing. Let it be remembered, that the gentleman
for if they should be becalmed or come to anchor,
or become incapable of being worked from any
cause, they must be sacrificed to even a single bat
tery, that choose its own position, and destroy
them, while it would be little exposed to danger. sir, that on several questions I have taken different
The hazard, therefore, of entering bays and interior sides, at different times; let him show it. If he shows
waters against such a force was so imminent that
few would incur it, unless aided by steam. If,
therefore, we relied more on this kind of defence
and less on large fortifications, our internal trade
would be left to its free, uninterrupted action, and
we should enjoy all the vast benefits of it in time
of war, and the inhabitants and their property
would cease to be molested. This kind of force be, cannot be, left to produce its effect, when that ef-
had at all times this great advantage; it could be fect is obviously intended to be unfavorable. Why did
suddenly concentrated and be brought to bear with the genderman allude to my votes, or my opinions, res
all its power where emergencies called for it.

And in regard to Long Island sound, one end of it was closed in, with the exception of the narrow passage of East river, while the other was too wide open to be fortified; and what was the conse.

ion: for I was not in congress, and had nothing to do with the act creating the embargo. And as to opposiinto congrese, I again say, let the gentleman specitylet him lay his finger on any thing, calling for an aaswer, and he shall have an answer.

Mr. President, you were yourself in the house during a considerable part of this time. The honorable gen tleman may make a witness of you. He may make a witness of any body else. He may be his own witness. Give us but some fact, some charge, something capable in itself either of being proved or disproved. Prove any thing, not consistent with honorable and patriotic conduct, and I am ready to answer it. Sir, I am glad this subject has been alluded to, in a manner whicujustifies me in taking pubhe notice of it; because I am well aware that, for ten years past, infinite pains have been taken to find something, in the range of these topics, which might create prejudice against me in the country. The journals have all been pored over, and the reports ransacked, and scraps of paragraphs an I half sentences have been collected, put together in he falsest manner, and then made to flare out, as if there had been some discovery. But all this failed. The next resort was to supposed correspondence. My letters were sought for, to learn if, in the confidence of private friendship, I had never said any thing which an enency could make use of. With this view, the vicinity of my former residence has been searched, as with a lighted candle. New Hampshire has been explored, from the mouth of the Merrimack to the White Hills. In one instance a gentleman had left the state, gone five hundred miles off; and died. His papers were examined, a letter was found, and I have understood it was brought to Washington, a conclave was held to consider it, and the result was, that if there was not ing else against Mr. Webster, the matter had better be let alone. Sir, I hope to make every body of that opinion who brings against me a charge of want of patriotism. Errors of opinion can be found, doubless, on many subjects; but as conduct flows from the feelings which aninate the heart, I know that no act of my Efe has had its origin in the want of ardent love of country.

any change of opinion, I shall be called on to give a
reason, and to account for it. I leave it to the country
to say whether, as yet, he has shown any such thing. Sir, when I came to congress, I found the honorable
But, sir, before attempting that, he has something gentleman a leading member of the house of represen
else to say. He had prepared, it seems, to draw com-tatives. Well, sir, in what did we differ? One of the
parisons himself. He had intended to say something, first measures of magnitude, afer I came here, was
if time had allowed! Sir, time uves allow-time must Mr. Dallas proposition for a bank. It was a war
allow. A general remark of that kind ought not to

measure. It was urged as being absolutely necessary to enable governinent to carry on the war. Government wanted revenue such a bank it was hoped would furnish it and on that account it was warmly pressed and urged on congress. You remember all this, Mr. President. You reinember how much some persons supposed the success of the war and the salva

pecting the war, at all, unless he had something to
say? Does he wish to leave an undefined impression
that something was done, or something said, by me,
not now capable of defence or justification? something tion of the country depended on carrying that measure.
not reconcileable with true patriotism? Hemeans that, Yet the honorable member from South Carolina cp-
or nothing. And now, sir, let him bring the matter posed this bill. He now takes to himself a good deal

quence? The British bodochtered the sound at forth: let him take the responsibility of the accusation: of merit--none too mach, but sull a good deal of merit, their ships of war, and whole adja- let him state his facts. am to answer: I am for having defeatedir. Well, sir, I agreed with him. cent coast, had confined the vessels in the ports, here, this day, to answer. Now is the time, and now It was a mere paper bank-a mere machine for fabriand stopped the intercourse, so that while flour the hour. I think we read, sir, that one of the good cating irredeemable paper. It was a new form for pacould not be sold here and at Baltimore, in the east spirits would not bring against the arch enemy of man- per money; and, instead of benefitting the country, I it brought $16, and could hardly be procured at all, kind a railing accusation: and what is railing, but gen- thought it would plunge it deeper and deeper in diilibecause it had to be transported by land; whereas, eral reproach-an imputation, without fact, time, or culty. I made a speech on the subject; it has often if steam batteries had been used, the way would circumstance? Sir, I call for particulars. The gen- been quoted. There it is; let whoever pleases read and

tleman knows my whole conduct well: indeed, the exam ne it. I am not proud of it for any ability it exjournals show it all, from the moment I came into con- hibits; on the other hand, I am not ashamed of it, for gress till the peace. If I have done, then, sir, any the spirit which it manifests. But, sir, I say again, the thing unpatriotic-any thing which, as far as love to gentieman himself took the lead against this measurecountry goes, will not bear comparison with his, or any this darling measure of the administration. I followed him; if I was seduced into error, or into unjustifiable opposition, there sits my seducer.

probably have been kept open. Mr. D. had little
hesitation in saying that a few batteries of this sort
would afford more effectual protection than any
system of protection which could be employed.
Fortifications were also necessarry for the protec- man's conduct-let it now be stated. Give me the
tion of these batteries themselves, and the defence fact, the time, the manner. He speaks of the war;
of the important points of the country, but with the

that which we call the late war, though it is now twen

What sir, were other leading sentiments, or leading

4

measures of that day? Oa what other subjects did men differ? The gentleman has adverted to one, and that a most important one; I mean the navy. He says, and says truly, that at the commencement of the war the navy was unpopular. It was unpop dar with his friends, who then controlled the politics of the country. But he says he differed with his friends; in this respect he resisted party induence and party counoxion, and was the friend and advocate of the navy. Sir, I connent him for it. He showed his wisdom. That gallant little navy soon fought itself into favor, and showed that no man, who had placed reliance on it, had been disappointed.

Well, sir, in all this, I was exactly of the same opinion as the honorable gentleman.

Sir, I do not know when my opinion of the importance of a naval force to the United States had its ori

friend to the south. Why, sir, the only proof is, that I cidental to revenue, and that the incident could not be
did not vote for his resolutions.
carried fairly above the principal: in other words, that

from the revenue power, the protection could only be incidental.

Sir, this is a very grave matter; it is a subject very duties ought not to be laid for the mere object of proexciting and inflammable. I take, of course, all the tection. I believe that was substantially correct. I beresponsibility belonging to my opinions; but I desire lieve that if the power of protection be inferred only these opinions to be understood, and tairly stated. If I am to be regarded as an enemy to the south, because I could not support the gentleman's resolutions, be it so. I cannot purchase favor from any quarter, by the sacrifice of clear and conscientious convictions. The principal resolution declared that congress had plighted its faith, not to interfere, either with slavery or the slavetrade, in the District of Columbia.

Now, sir, this is quite a new idea. I never heard it advanced until this session. I have heard gentlemen contend that no such power was in the constituzion; but the notion, that though the constitution contained

far as I know. I must say, sir, it appeared to me litle
else than an attempt to put a prohibition into the con-
stitution, because there was none there already. For
this supposed plighting of the public faith, or the faith
of congress, I saw no ground, either in the history of
the government, or in any one fact, or in any argument.
I therefore could not vote for the proposition.

gin. I can give no date to my sentiments on this sub-no prohibition, yet that congress had plighted its faith,
jest, because I never entertained different sentiments. not to exercise such a power, is an entire novelty, so
I remember, sir, that immediately after coming into
my profession, at a period when the navy was most
unpopular, when it was called by all sorts of hard
names, and designated by many course epithets, on
one of those occasions, on which young men address
their neighbors, I ventured to put forth a boy's hand in
defence of the navy. I insisted on its importance, its
adaptation to our circumstances, and to our national
character; and its indispensable necessity, if we intend-
el to minain and extend our commerce. These
opinions and sen imen's I brought into congress; and,
so far as I remember, it was the first, or among the
first times, in which I presumed to speak on the topics
of the day, that I attempted to urge on the house a
greater attention to the naval service. There were
d.vers modes of prosecuting the war. Oa these modes,
or on the degree of attention and expense which should
be bestowed on each, different men held diderent opin-
ions. I contess I looted with most hope to the results
of naval warfare, and therefore I invoke i government
to invigorate and strengthen that arin of the national
defence. I invoked it to seek its enemies upon the
seas-to go where every auspicious indication pointed,
and where the whole heart and soul of the country
would go with it.

Sir, we were at war with the greatest maritime power on earth. England had gained an ascendancy on the seas over the whole combined powers of Europe. S'e had been at war twenty years. She had tried her fortunes on the continent, but generally with no success. At one time, the whole continent had been closed

But, I have said in this place before, and I repeat now, that Mr. Madison's publication, after that period, and his declaration that the convention did intend to grant the power of protection, under the commercial clause, placed the subject in a new and clear light. I will add, sir, that a paper drawn up by Dr. Franklin, and read by hien to a circle of friends in Philadelphia, on the eve of the assembling of the convention, respecting the powers which the proposed new government ought to possess, shows, perfectly plain, that, in regulating commerce, it was expected congress would adopt a course, which should, to some degree, protect the manufactures of the north. He certainly went into the convention hinself under that conviction.

Well, sir, and now what does the gentleman make out against me in relation to the tariff? What laurels does he gather in this part of Africa? I opposed the policy of the tariff, until it had become the settled and established policy of the country. I have never questioned the constitutional power of congress to grant protection, except so far as the remark goes, made in Faneuil hall, which remark respects only the length to which protection might properly be carried, so far as the power is derived from the authority to lay duties on impor's. But the policy being established, and a great part of the country having placed vast interests at stake in it, I have not disturbed it; on the contrary, I have insisted that it ought not to be disturbed. If there be inconsistency in all this, the gentleman is at liberty to blazon it forth; let him see what he can make of it.

Sir, it is now several years since I took care to make
my opinion known, that this government has, consti-
tutionaliy, nothing to do with slavery, as it exists in the
states. That opinion is entirely unchanged. I stand
steadily by the resolution of the house of representa-
tives, adopted, after much consideration, at the com-
mencement of the governmen:-which was, that con-
gress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation
of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the
states; it remaining with the several s'ates alone to pro-
vide any regulations therein, which humanity and true
policy may require. This, in my opinion, is the con-
stitution, and the law. I feel bound by it. I have
quoted the resolution often. It expresses the judgment
of men of all parts of the country, deliberately formed,
in a cool time; and it expresses my judginent, and I
shall adhere to it. But this has nothing to do with
the other constitutional question; that is to say, the
mere constitutional question, whether congress has the
power to regulate slavery and the slave-trade in the it
District of Columbia.
On such a ques ion, sir, when I am asked what the con-
stitution is, or whether any power granted by it has been
coinpromised away; or, indeed, could be compromised

against her. A long line of armed exterior, an unbro-away-I must express my honest opinion, and always

ken hostile array, frowned upon her from the gulf of Archangel, round the promontory of Spain and Portugal, to the foot of the boot of Italy. There was not a port which an English ship could enter. Every where on the land the genius of her great enemy had triumphed. He had defeated armies, crushed coalitions, and overturned thrones; but, like the fabled giant, he was uncon querable only while ne touched the land. On the ocean, he was powerless. That field of fame was his adversary's, and her meteor flag was streaming in triumph all over it.

To her maritime ascendancy, England owed every thing, and we were now at war with her. One of the inost charining of her poets has said of her, that

"Her march is o'er the mountain wave,
"Her home is on the deep."

Now, sir, since we were at war with her, I was for in-
tercepting this march; I was for calling upon her, and
paying our respects to her at home; I was for giving her
to know that we, too, hata right of way over the seas,
and that our marine officers and our sailors were not
entire strangers on the boson of the deep; I was for
doing something more with our navy, than to keep it
on our shores, for the protection of our own coasts and
our own harbors; I was for giving play to its gallant and
burning spirit; for allowing it to go forth upon the seas,
and to encounter, on an open an l an equal field, what
ever the proudest or the bravest of the enemy could
bring against it. I knew the character of its officers,
and the spirit of its seamen; and I knew that, in their
hanis, though the flag of the country might go down
to the bottom, while they went with it, yet that it could
never be dishonored or disgraced.

Slace she was our enemy-and a most powerful eneiny-l was for touching her, if we could, in the very apple of her eve; for reaching the highest feather in her cup; for clutching at the very brigitrest jewel in her crown. There seemed to me to be a peculiar propriety in all this, as the war was undertaken for the redress of maritime injuries alone. It was a war declared for free trade and sailors' rights. The ocean, therefore, was the proper theatre for deciding this controversy with our enemy, and on that theatre my ardent wish

shall express it, if I say any thing, notwithstanding it
may not meet concurrence either in the south, or the
north, or the east, or the west. I cannot express, by my
vote, what I do not believe.

He has chosen to bring that subject into this debate,
with which it has no concern, but he may make the
most of it, if he thinks he can produce unfavorable im-
pressions on the south, from my negative to his fifh re-
solution. As to the rest of them, they were common-
places, generally, or abstractions; in regard to which,
one may well not feel himself called on to vote at ail.

And now, sir, in regard to the tariff. That is a long chapter, but I am quite ready to go over it with the honorable member.

He charges me with inconsistency. That may depend on deciding what inconsistency is, in respect to such subjects, and now it is to be proved. I will state the facts, for I have them in my mind somewhat more fully than the honorable member has himseif presented them. Let us begin at the beginning. In 1816, I voted against the tariff law, which then passed. In 1824, I again voted against the tariff law, which was then proposed, and which passed. A majority of New England vo'es, in 1821, was against the tariff system. The bill received but one vote from Massachusetts; but it passed. The policy was established; New England acquiesced in it; conformed her business and pursuits to it; embarked her capital, and employed her labor, in manufactures; and I certainly adinit that, from that time, I have felt bound to support interests thus called into being, and into importance, by the settled policy of the government. I have stated this often here, and often elsewhere. The ground is defensible, and I

maintain it.

As to the resolutions adopted in Boston, in 1820, and which resolutions he has caused to be read, and which he says he presumes I prepared, I have no recollection of having drawn the resolutions, and do not believe I did. But I was at the meeting, and addressed the meeting, and what I said on that occasion has been produced here, and read in the senate years ago.

The resolutions, sir, were opposed to the commencing of a high tariff policy. I was opposed to it, and spoke against it-the city of Boston was opposed to it it. Remember, sir, that this was in 1320. This oppo

was, that our own power should be concentrated to the -the commonwealth of Massachusetts was opposed to

utmost.

So much, sir, for the war, and for my conduct and sition continued till 1321. The votes all show this. But opinions as connected with it. And, as I do not mean in 1921, the question was decided; the government ento recur to this subject often, nor ever, unless indispen- tered upon the policy; it invited men to embark their sably necessary, I repeat the demand for any charge, property and their means of living in it. Individuals any accusation, any allegaton whatever, that throws have done this to a great extent; and, therefore, I say, me behind the honorable gendeman, or behind any so long as the manufactures shall need reasonable and other man, in honor, in ti leli'y, in devoted love to that just protection from government, I shall be disposed to couatry in which I was born, which has honored me, give it to them. What is there, sir, in all this, for the and which I serve. I, who seldom deal in defiance, gentleman to complain of? Would he have us always now, here, in my place, boldly defy the honorable oppose the policy, adopted by the country, on a great member to put his insinuation in the form of a charge, question? Would he have minorities never submit to and to support that charge by any proof whatever. the will of majorities?

The gentleman has a Iverted to the subject of slavery. On this subject, he says, I have not proved myself al

I remember to have said, sir, at the meeting in Faneuil hall, that protection appeared to be regarded as in

Here, sir, I cense to speak of myself; and respectfully ask pardon of the senate for having so long detained it, upon any thing so unimportant as what relates merely to my own public conduct and opinions.

Sir, the honorable meinber is pleased to suppose that our spleen is excited, because he has interfered to snatch from us a victory over the administration. If he means by this any personal disappointment, I shall not think worth while to make a remark upon it. If he means a disappointment at his quitting us while we were endeavoring to arrest the present policy of the administration, why, then, I admit, sir, that I, for one, felt that disappointment deeply. It is the policy of the administration, its principles, and its measures, which I oppose. It is not persons, but things; not men, but measures. I do wish, most fervently, to put an end to this anticommercial policy; and if the overthrow of the policy shall be followed by the political defeat of its authors, why, sir, it is a result which I shall endeavor to mect with equanimity.

Sir, as to the honorable member's rescuing the victory from us, or as to his ability to sustain the administration in this policy, there may be a drachm of a scruple about that. I trust the citadel will yet be storined, and carried, by the force of public opinion, and that no Hector will be able to defend its walls.

But now, sir, I must advert to a declaration of the honorable member, which, I confess, did surprise me. The honorable member says that, personally, he and myself have been on friendly terms, but that we always differed on great constitutional questions! Sir, this is astounding. And yet I was partly prepared for it; for I sat here the other day, and held my breath, while the honorable gentleman declared and repeated, that he always belonged to the state rights party! And he means, by what he has declared to-day, that he has always given to the constitution a construction more limited, better guarded, less favorable to the extension of the powers of this government, than that which I have given to it. He has always interpreted it according to the strict doctrine of the school of state rights! Sir, if the honorable member ever belonged, until very lately, to the state righ's party, the connexion was very much like a secret marriage. And never was secret better kept. Not only were the espousals not acknowledged, but all suspicion was avoided. There was no known familiarity, or even kindness between them.On the contrary, they acted like parties who were not at all fond of each other's company.

Sir, is there a man, in my hearing, among all the gentlemen now surrounding us, many of whom, of both houses, have been here many years, and know the gentleman and myself perfectly; is there one, who ever heard, supposed, or dreamed, that the honorable member belonged to the state rights party before the year 1825? Can any such connexion be proved upon himcan he prove it upon himself, before that time?

Sir, I will show you, before I resume my seat, that it was not until after the gentleman took his seat in the chair which you now occupy, that any public mani festation, or intimation, was ever given by him, of his having embraced the peculiar doctrines of the state rights party.

The truth is, sir, the honorable gentleman had acted a very important and useful part during the war. But the war terminated. Toward the close of the session of 1914-15, we received the news of peace. This closed the 13th congress. In the fall of 1815, the 14th congress assembled. It was full of ability, and the honorable gentleman stood high among its distinguished members. IIe remained in the house, sir, through the whole of that congress; and now, sir, it is easy to be shown, that, during those two years, the honorable gentleman took a decided lead, in all those great mea

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