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roads." Giving to the word "establish" its restricted interpretation, as being equivalent to "fix," or "prescribe," can it be doubted that Congress has the pow. er to establish a canal, or a river, as a post route, as well as a road? Roads were the ordinary channels of conveyance, and the term was, therefore, used as synonymous with "routes," whatever might be the channel of transportation, and, in like manner, "coin," being the ordinary and most known form of a circulating medium, that term was used as synonymous with currency.


An argument in favour of the view just taken, may be fairly deduced from the fact, that the States are expressly prohibited from "coining money, or emitting bills of credit," and from "making any thing but gold and silver a lawful tender in payment of debts." This strongly confirms the idea, that the subject of regulating the circulating medium, whether consisting of coin or paper, was, at the same time that it was taken from the control of the State, vested in the only depository in which it could be placed, consistently with the obvious design of having a common measure of value throughout the Union.



interest of the community at large, as well as for the purposes of the Treasury, it is essential that the nation should possess a currency of equal value, credit, and use, wherever it may circulate. The constitution has entrusted Congress, exclusively, with the power of creating and regulating a currency of that description, and the measures which were taken, during the last session, in execution of the power, give every promise of success. The bank of the U. States, under auspices the most favourable, cannot fail to be an important auxiliary.”

Such are the authorities and such the arguments which have brought the committee to the conclusion, that the power to incorporate a bank is incidental to the powers of collecting and disbursing the public revcnue; of borrowing money on the credit of the U.States; of paying the public debt; and, above all, of fixing and regulating the standard of value, and thereby ensuring, at least so far as the medium of payment is concerned, the uniformity and equality of taxation.

II. The next question proposed for consideration, i the expediency of establishing an incorporated bank, with a view to promote the great ends already indicat ed. In discussing the constitutionality of such a measure, some of the considerations which render it expedi ent, have been slightly unfolded. But these require a a more full and complete developement, while others remain to be presented.

It must be assumed as the basis of all sound reasoning on this subject, that the existence of a paper currency, issued by banks deriving their charters from the state governments, cannot be prohibited by congress. Indeed, bank credit and bank paper are so extensively interwoven with the commercial operations of society, that, even if Congress had the constitutional power, it would be utterly impossible to produce so entire a change in the monetary system of the country, as to abolish the agency of banks of discount, without involv ing the community in all the distressing embarrassments usually attendant on great political revolutions, subverting the titles to private property. The sudden withdrawal of some hundred millions of bank credit, would be equivalent, in its effect, to the arbitrary and despotic transfer of the property of one portion of the community to another, to the extent, probably, of half that amount. Whatever,therefore, may be the advantages of a purely metallic currency, and whatever the objections to a circulating medium partly composed of bank paper, the committee consider that they are precluded, by the existing state of things from instituting a comparison between them, with a view to any practical result.

If they were not thus precluded, and it were submitted to them as an original question, whether the acknowledged and manifold facilities of bank credit and bank paper, are not more than counterbalanced by the distressing vicissitudes in trade incident to their use, they are by no means prepared to say, that they would not give a decided preference to the more costly and cumbersome medium.

But, even if it should be conceded, that the grant of power to "coin money and fix the value thereof," does not, in its terms, give Congress the power of regulating any other than the "coined" currency of the Union, may not the power of regulating any substituted currency, and especially one which is the professed representative of coin, be fairly claimed as an incidental power as an essential means of carrying into effect the plain intention of the Constitution, in clothing Congress with the principal power? This power was granted in the same clause with that to regulate weights and measures, and for similar reasons. The one was designed to insure a uniform measure of value, as the other was designed to ensure a uniform measure of quantity. The former is decidedly the more important, and belongs essentially to the General Government,according to every just conception of our system. A currency of uniform value is essential to what every one will admit to be of cardinal importance: the equal action of our revenue system, upon the diffesent parts of the Union. The state of things which existed when the bank was incorporated, furnished a most pregnant commentary on this clause of the constitution. The currency of the country consisted of the paper of local banks, variously depreciated. At one of the principal seaports the local currency was 20per cent. below par. Now it was in vain for Congress to regulate the value of coin, when the actual currency, professing to be its equivalent, bore no fixed relation to it. This great and essential power of fixing the standard of value, was, in point of fact, taken from Congress, and exercised by some hundreds of irresponsible banking corporations, with the strongest human motives to abuse it, because their enormous profits resulted from the abuse. The power of laying and collecting imposts and excises, is expressly subject to the condition that they "shall be uniform throughout the United States;" and it is also provided, that "no preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce, or revation, is not between a metallic and a paper currency, enue, to the ports of one state over those of another." but between a paper currency of uniform value, and Now, when it is known that the circulating medium of subject to the control of the only power competent to Baltimore was 20 per cent, below the value of the cir- its regulation, and a paper currency of varying and fluc culating medium of Boston, is it not apparent that an tuating value, and subject to no common or adequate impost duty, though nominally uniform, would, in ef. control whatever. On this question it would seem that fect, make a discrimination in favour of Baltimore, pro- there could scarcely exist a difference of opinion; and portioned to the depreciation of the local currency?— that this is substantially the question involved in considCongress, therefore, not only had the power, but as it ering the expediency of a national bank, will satisfactoseems to the committee, were under the most solemn rily appear by the comparison of a state of the currency constitutional obligation to restore the disordered cur- previous to the establishment of the present bank, and rency; and the bank of the United States was not only its condition for the last ten years. an appropriate means for the accomplishment of that end, but in the opinion of the committee, the only safe and effectual means that could have been used.This view of the subject is in full accordance with the opinion of Mr. Madison, as expressed in his message of December, 1816. "But, says he, for the

But the question really presented for their determin

Soon after the expiration of the charter of the first bark of the United States, an immense number of local banks sprung up under the pecuniary exigencies produced by the withdrawal of so large an amount of bank credit, as necessarily resulted from the winding up of its concerns-an amount falling very little short of fif

value of money, as compared with them, would not be
owing to the want of credit in the bank bills, of which
the currency happened to be composed. It would ex-
ist, though these bills were of undoubted credit, and
convertable into specie at the pleasure of the holder,
and would result simply from the redundancy of their
quantity. It is important to a just understanding of the
subject, that the relative depreciation of bank paper at
different places, as compared with specie, should not
be confounded with this general depreciation of the en-
tire mass of the circulating medium, including specie.
Though closely allied, both in their causes and effects,
they deserve to be separately considered.

The evils resulting from the relative depreciation of
bank paper at different places, are more easily traced
to their causes, more palpable in their nature, and con-
sequently more generally understood by the community.
Though much less ruinous than the evils resulting from
the general depreciation of the whole currency, they
are yet of sufficient magnitude to demand a full expo-

The price current appended to this report will exhibit a scale of depreciation in the local currency, rang ing through various degrees to twenty, and even to 25 per cent. Among the principal eastern cities, Wash. ington and Baltimore were the points as which the depreciation was greatest. The paper of the banks in these places, was from 20 to 22 per cent. below par.At Philadelphia the depreciation was considerably less, though even there it was from 17 to 18 per cent. In New York and Charleston, it was from 7 to 10 per cent. But in the interior of the country, where banks were established, the depreciation was even greater than at Washington and Baltimore. In the western part of Pennsylvania, and particularly at Pittsburg, it was 25 per cent. These statements, however, of the relative depreciation of bank paper at various places, as compared with specie, give a very inadequate idea of the enormous evils inflicted upon the community, by the excessive issues of bank paper. No proposition is better established than that the value of money, whether it consists of specie or paper, is depreciated in exact proportion to the increase of its quantity, in any given state of the demand for it. If, for example, the banks, in 1816, doubled the quantity of the circulating medium by their excessive issues, they produced a general degradation of the entire mass of the currency, including gold and silver, proportioned to the redundancy of the issues, and wholly independent of the relative depreciation of bank paper at different places, as compared with specie. The nominal money price of every article was of course one hundred per cent. higher than it would have been, but for the duplication of the quantity of the circulating medium. Money is nothing more or less than the measure by which the relative value of all articles of merchandise is ascertained. If, when the circulating medium is fifty millions, an article should cost one dollar, it would certainly cost two, if, without any trious and productive classes, by the large monied cap. increase of the uses of a circulating medium, its quanti-italists in our commercial cities, who were engaged in ty should be increased to one hundred millions. This the business of brokerage. A variously depreciated rise in the price of commodities, or depreciation in the currency, and a fluctuating state of the exchanges, open

A very serious evil, already hinted at, which' grew out of the relative depreciation of bank paper, at the different points of importation, was its inevitable tendency to draw all the importations of foreign merchandise to the cities where the depreciation was greatest, and divert them from those where the currency was comparatively sound. If the Bank of the United States had not been established, and the government had been left without any alternative but to receive the depreciated local currency, it is difficult to imagine the extent to which the evasion of the revenue laws would have been carried. Every state would have had an interest to encourage the excessive issues of its banks, and increase the degradation of its currency, with a view to attract foreign commerce. Even in the condition which the currency had reached in 1816, Boston, and New York, and Charleston, would have found it advantageous to derive their supplies of foreign merchandise through Baltimore; and commerce would undoubtedly have ta ken that direction had not the currency been corrected. To avoid this injurious diversion of foreign imports, Massachusetts, and New York, and South Carolina, would have been driven, by all motives of self defence and selfinterest, to degrade their respective currencies at least to a par with the currency of Baltimore; and thus a rivalry in the career of depreciation would have sprung up, to which no limit can be assigned. As the tendency of this state of things would have been to cause the largest portion of the revenue to be collected at a few places, and in the most depreciated of the local currency, it would have followed that a very small part of that revenue would have been disbursed at the points where it was collected. The government would con sequently have been compelled to sustain a heavy loss upon the transfer of its funds to the points of expendi ture. The annual loss which would have resulted from these causes alone, cannot be estimated at a less sum than two millions of dollars.

But the principal loss which resulted from the rela tive depreciation of bad paper at different places, and its want of general credit, was that sustained by the community in the great operations of commercial exchange. The extent of these operations annually, may be safely estimated at sixty millions of dollars. Upon this sum the loss sustained by the merchants, and planters, and farmers, and manufacturers, was not probably less than an average of ten per cent. being the excess of the rate of exchange beyond its natural rate in a sound state of the currency, and beyond the rate to which it has been actually reduced by the operations of the Bank of the United States. It will be thus perceived that an annual tax of six millions of dollars was levied from the indus

teen millions of dollars. These banks being entirely free from the salutary control which the bank of the United States had recently exercised over the local institutions, commenced that system of imprudent trading and excessive issue, which speedily involved the country in all the embarrassments of a disordered currency, The extraordinary stimulous of a heavy war expenditure, derived principally from loans, and a corresponding multiplication of local banks, chartered by the double score in some of the States, hastened the catastrophe which must have occured, at no distant period, without these extraordinary causes. The last year of the war presented the singular and melancholy spectacle of a nation abounding in resources, a people abounding in self devoting patriotism, and a government reduced to the very brink of avowed bankruptcy, solely for the want of a national institution, which, at the same time that it would have facilitated the government loans and other treasury operations, would have furnished a circulating medium of general credit in every part of the Union. In this view of the subject, the committee are fully sustained by the opinion of Mr. Dallas, then secretary of the treasury, and by the concurring and almost unanimous opinion of all parties in Congress: for, whatever diversity of opinion prevailed, as to the prop er basis and organization of a bank, almost every one agreed that a national bank, of some sort, was indispensably necessary to rescue the country from the greatest of financial calamities.

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The committee will now present a brief exposition of the state of the currency at the close of the war, of the injury which resulted from it, as well to the government as to the community, and their reasons for believing that it could not have been restored to a sound condition, and cannot now be preserved in that condition, without the agency of such an institution as the Bank of the United States.

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a wide and abundant harvest to the money brokers; and Jan. 8. Governor at John Harris's. it is not, therefore, surprising, that they should be op- Jan. 13. Gov. at Carlisle, to meet the Indians. A posed to an institution, which, at the same time that it friendly Indian had been to Kittanning, the residence of has relieved the community from the enormous tax just Shingas and Capt. Jacobs, and found 140 men chiefly stated, has deprived them of the enormous profits which Delawares and Shawanese, who had above 100 English they derived from speculating in the business of ex- prisoners, big and little, taken from Virginia and Pennchange. In addition to the losses sustained by the com-sylvania. That more or less of the Six Nations live with munity, in the great operations of exchange, extensive the Shawanese and Delawares, in their towns, and aclosses were suffered throughout the interior of the company them in their incursions, and take part in the country, in all the smaller operations of trade, as well as war. by the failure of the numerous paper banks, puffed into a factitious credit by fraudulent artifices, and having no substantial basis of capital to ensure the redemption of their bills.

But no adequate conception can be formed of the evils of a depreciated currency, without looking beyond the relative depreciation, at different places, to the general depreciation of the entire mass. It appears from the report of Mr. Crawford, the Secretary of the Treasury in 1820, that during the general suspension of specie payments, by the local banks, in the years 1815 and 1816, the circulating medium of the United States had reached the aggregate amount of one hundred and ten millions of dollars, and that, in the year 1819, it had been reduced to forty-five millions of dollars, being a reduction of fifty-nine per cent. in the short period of four years. The committee are inclined to the opinion, that the severe and distressing operation of restoring a vicious currency to a sound state, by the calling in of bank paper, and the curtailment of bank discounts, had carried the reduction of the currency, in 1819, to a point somewhat lower than was consistent with the just requirements of the community for a circulating medium, and that the bank discounts have been gradually enlarged since that time, so as to satisfy those acquirements. It will be assumed, therefore, that the circulating medium of the United States has been fifty-five millions of dollars for the last ten years, taking the average.

Even upon this assumption it will follow, that the national currency has been one hundred per cent. more valuable for the last ten years, than it was in 1816. In other words, two dollars would purchase no more of any commodity in 1816, than one dollar has been capable of purchasing at any time since 1819. It is obvious, therefore, that the depreciation of the paper of particular banks, at any particular time, as compared with specie, furnishes no criterion by which to ascertain the general depreciation of the whole currency, including specie, as compared with the value of that currency at a different period. A specie dollar in 1816, would purchase no more than half as much as a paper dollar will purchase at present. (To be continued)


Abstract of the state records at Harrisburg, made by Thomas Sergeant Esq. when Secretary of the Commonwealth, and by him presented to the Historical Committee of the American Philosophical Society, Nov. 3,


-1748 to 1758.


Jan. 21. Much commotion excited in Philadelphia at the officers enlisting indentured servants, and express

sent to Governor.

Jan. 14. A messenger (Indian) sent by the Governor from John Harris's, up Susquehanna, reported, that he found no Indians at Shamokin,and therefore proceeded higher up as far as Nescopeck, where he saw 140 Indians, all warriors, dancing the war dance; they expressed great bitterness against the English, and were preparing for an expedition against them, & he thought would go to the eastward. He was told that the Delawares and Shawanese on the Ohio were persuaded by the French to strike the English, and had put the hatchet into the hands of the Susquehanna Indians, a great many of whom had taken it greedily, and there was no persuading them to the contrary; and that they would do abundance of mischief to the people of Pennsylvania, against whom they were preparing to go to war. Six Indians attended at Carlisle.

Feb. 2. Governor returned on the 26th, from a month's tour to the frontier counties, to put them in a posture of defence and build a chain of forts and blockhouses all along the Kittochtinny hills from Delaware to the Maryland line near the river Potowmack: which he expected to be completed in a month, and render the settlements within them tolerably secure; "but that the expense of defending the province in this way will be very heavy, as it has already gone near to consume the £60,000; and this may possibly induce the Assembly here to come into vigorous measures for removing the war into the enemy's country."

Letter from B. Franklin to Governor, dated Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten, Jan. 25, 1756-"Dear Sir, We got to Hays's the same evening we left you, and reviewed Craig's company by the way. Much of the next morning was spent in exchanging the bad arms for the We reachgood, Wayne's company having joined us. ed, however, that night to Uplinger's, where we got into good quarters. Saturday morning we began to march towards Gnadenhutten, and proceeded near two miles, but it seeming to set in for a rainy day, the men unprovided with great coats, and many unable to secure effectually their arms from the wet, we thought it advisable to face about and return to our former quarters, where the men might dry themselves and lie warmwhereas had they proceeded, they would have come in wet to Gnadenhutten, where shelter and opportunity of

(Continued from p. 268.) 1756-January 3. Governor Morris visited Easton, Reading, and Lancaster, to provide for the defence of the frontiers-informed that the Indians on the east branch of the Susquehanna had given the French Indi-drying themselves that night was uncertain. In fact it ans leave to seat themselves at Nescopec. rained all day and we were all pleased that we had not

Jan. 7. A detachment of 95 regulars arrived in Phil-proceeded. The next day, being Sunday, we marched adelphia from New York on the 6th, and part were or-hither, where we arrived about 2 in the afternoon, and dered to Easton and part to Reading. 300 men were before 5 had inclosed our camp with a strong breastposted on the west of the Susquehanna, and 3 forts or work, musket proof, and with the boards brought here dered to be built. before by my order from Dunker's mill, got ourselves under some shelter from the weather. Monday was so dark, with a thick fog all day, that we could neither look out for a place to build, nor see where materials

Intelligence from Scarooyady, who had been sent by the Governor to get intelligence of the dispositions of the Delawares on Susquehanna river, that they decla red in plain terms, that they shall pay no regard to what shall be said to dissuade them from hostilities against the English; that they are determined to fight the English as long as there is a man left; that when they have conquered the English, they will turn their arms against those Indians who will not join them now. That it was with much difficulty he had gone through the settlements of the Delawares, and had but just escaped with his life. That he designs to go into the country of the Six Nations, to Onondago.

Gen. Shirley, commander-in-chief with all the powersthat Gen, Braddock had, sends a speech to the Six Nations by Gen. Johnson, exhorting them to remain steadfast to their alliance with the English, and to chastise the Delawares and Shawnese for their attacks on Pennsylvania and Virginia; desiring them to join the English against the French.

Council of War at New York, 12th Dec. Gen. Shirley, Governors of New York, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut, Col. Dunbar and four others. A plan of operations was agreed upon for the campaign, of which an attack on Fort Du Quesne by 3000 men made a part-10,000 men were to be raised for an expedition against Crown Point, of which Pennsylvania was to raise 1500. The Southern Colonies were to hold treaties with the Southern Indians, and procure them to attack the French on the Ohio and their Indians.

were to be had. Tuesday morning we looked round us, pitched on a place, marked out our fort on the ground, and by 10 o'clock began to cut timber for stockades and to dig the ground; by 3 in the afternoon the logs were all cut, and many of them hauled to the spot, the ditch dug to set them in, 3 feet deep, and many were pointed and set up. The next day we were hindered by rain most of the day. Thursday we resumed our work, and before night were perfectly well enclosed; and on Friday morning the stockade was finished, and part of the platform within erected, which was completed next morning; when we dismissed Foulk's and Wetterholt's companies, and sent Hays's down for a convoy of provisions. This day we hoisted the flag, made a general discharge of our pieces, which had been long loaded, and of our two swivels, and named the place Fort Allen in honour of our old friend. It is 125 feet long, 50 wide, the stockades most of them a foot Feb. 13. Complaint of Assembly against the enlistthick; they are 3 foot in the ground and 12 feet out, ing of indented servants. pointed at the top. This is an account of our weeks Feb. 16. work, which I thought might give you some satisfac-gainst it. tion. Foulk is gone to build another between this and Feb. 24. Some of the Six Nations at Philadelphia, by Schuylkill fort, which I hope will be finished (as Trex-whom intelligence was obtained that the Delawares were ler is to join him) in a week or ten days. As soon as still hostile. Presents made them, and they were agreed Hays returns, I shall detach another party to erect ano- to be placed among the Conestoga Manor Indians, for ther at Surfas's, which I hope may be finished in the security. same time, and then 1 purpose to end my campaign, God willing, and do myself the pleasure of seeing you in my return. I can now add no more than that I am with great esteem and affection,

General Shirley refused to give orders a

March 13. Militia formed by proclamation into a regi ment for each county. A troop of horse, 2 companies of foot, and 1 of Battery volunteers raised in the City and Liberties, and officered.

March 19. House adjourned to 15th April. Differ ences about bills.

Dr. friend, yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.” Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten, Jan. 26, to Governor"Sir, We left Bethlehem the 10th inst. with Foulk's company, 46 men, the detachment of M'Laughlin's 20, and 7 waggons laden with stores and provisions. We got that night to Hays's quarters, where Wayne's company joined us from Nazareth. The next day we marched cautiously through the gap of the mountain, a very dangerous pass, and got to Uplinger's, but 21 miles) March 27. Conference with 13 Indians, viz:-those from Bethlehem, the roads being bad and the waggons sent to Pennsbury, Scarooyady, and another returned moving slowly. (As before.) This present Monday we from his visit in December last, to the Indians on the are erecting a third house in the Fort, to accommodate Susquehanna and the Six Nations, and those who lived the garrison. As soon as Capt. Hays returns with the at Aughwick before Braddock's defeat, and since at convoy of stores and provisions, which I hope may be Harris's. The account given by Scarooyady of his jour to-morrow, I purpose to send Orndt and Hays to ney is a very interesting picture of Indian population Haed's to join Capt. Trump in erecting the middle fort and manners. The substance is, that in going up the there, purposing to remain here between them and Susquehanna he found all the Delawares, but about 30, Foulk, ready to assist and supply both, as occasions may were hostile. They would not hear his advice and require; and hope in a week or ten days, weather fa- threatened him. Tediuscung, who was in Philadelphia vouring, those two forts may be finished, and the line of last summer, had English scalps. He went on to the 6 Forts completed and garrisoned, the rangers in motion, Nations, and they sent to the Delawares prohibiting and the internal guards and watches disbanded: unless them from attacking the English, and threatening to they are permitted and encouraged to go after the ene-punish them for it; and had sent deputies into the Dela my to Susquehanna. At present the expense in this ware country to have a meeting. N. B. One of the Mocounty is prodigious. We have on foot and in pay the hawk warriors died in Philadelphia of peripneumony, following companies, viz: Trump, 50 men; Aston, 50; and was buried with military honors. Wayne, 55; Foulk, 46, Trexler, 48, and Wetterhold 44, without the Forks; Orndt, 50; Craig, 30 and Martin 30, in the Irish settlements; Van Elten 30, at Minisinks; Hays 45; detachment of M'Laughlin 20; Parsons 24, at Easton. Total 522.

April 8th. Governor informs Indians that war would be declared against the Delawares, and gives them the hatchet, and offers rewards to them for Indian prisoners and scalps.

Accounts from Fort Littleton, April 4th, of an engage ment with the Indians by a party that went after the captives from M'Cord's fort. Many killed & wounded.

April 10. Commissioners for disposing of £60,000 advise war to be declared against the Delawares and all other Indian enemys, and rewards for prisoners and scalps. Scarooyady speaks in favor of it--and for building a fort at Shamokin.

April 12. Some of the Quakers remonstrated against the war; but it was resolved upon.

March 5. An act for dispersing the French neutrals, through different counties.

March 9. The Indians preferred going to Pensbury Manor (20 miles above the city,) and were there sent. They were extremely apprehensive of being murdered on their road to Conestogoe. The friends of the people were so exasperated.

This, Sir, is a particular account of our transactions, and the present state of affairs in this county. I am glad to learn by your favour of the 21st, just received, that you have thoughts of coming to Bethlehem, as I may hope for an opportunity of waiting upon your Honour there, after our works are finished, and communicating every thing more fully. I now only add that I am with dutiful respect, Sir, your Honour's most obdt. humble servant, B. FRANKLIN."

Feb. 4. House of Assembly met. Informed they were summoned to consider the plan of operations agreed on at New York; which was to be kept secret. Urging supplies; and stating that the chain of Forts in the most important passes of the mountains was almost complete.

were about to meet at Lancaster and march to Philadel 13. Accounts that the people of the back counties phia, and make some demands of the Legislature, sitting-which was sent to the Assembly, and notice giv en to the Justices of the Peace, &c.


War declared by proclamation by the Governor. The

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Delawares, and all others, who have in conjunction with them, committed hostilities, declared rebels, traitors and enemies, and rewards offered for prisoners and scalps

that should be taken from them.


not wait to hear the effects of this Embassy before he entered into this consequential measure. I hope your Excellency will take this interesting affair into your consideration, and make use of such interposition as you shall judge necessary thereupon."

On reading the foregoing letter of Sir W. Johnson to Gen. Shirley wherein he blames Gov. M. for issuing his declaration of war against the Delawares and desires the Lan-interposition of Mr. Shirley, and perusing the several transactions between the Indian Deputies and Sir W. J. as set forth in Sir C.Hardy's letter to Gov. M., together with what Sir Gen. Shirley has been pleased to say in his letter on this subject (he suggested a suspension of hostilities till the result of Sir W. J.'s visit to Onondago should be known,) the Council were of opinion that they should advise the Gov. to publish a cessation of hostilities against the Delawares, until the result of the meeting of the Indians at Onondago should be known. But before this be done it might be of service, and tend to quiet the minds of the back inhabitants, if the Gov. would be pleased to call some of the most principal and most discreet of the inhabitants together, communicate to them the several transactions that had passed between the Indians and Sir W. J. in regard to the 6 Nations, who might turn against us if we slighted a matter brought by them to such a ripeness; and likewise that Letter of Governor of New York to Gov. M., April 16, he would be pleased to give it in particular charge to "By my letters from Sir W. Johnson, of the 12th instant, Col. Clapham, to see that the forces under his command I think we have at last brought about an accommoda, should conform to the suspensions of arms, both in their tion with the Delawares. In his first letter of the 9th, march and whilst at Shamokin. It was then considerhe says, 'As I finished my letter 2 Oneida Indians, on ed that the Delawares on Ohio were still in open war whom I can depend brought me an account that the and a grand attack might be expected to be made this Delegates sent to treat with the Delawares were return-month from that quarter on the frontier-whether the ed, and say that they have settled the unhappy breach,' cessation should extend to them, and it was after long In another-This evening some of those delegates ar- consideration agreed it should. But an account coming rived here (Mount Johnson,) with several of the Onei- from the Postmaster at Annapolis, that these Indians das, Tuscaroras, Onondagos and Mohawks. I have on- had penetrated and were destroying the inhabitants of ly to tell you that they assure me they have made up that Virginia, 12 miles within Winchester, and it being unhappy affair; and that the Delawares expect those of known from former accounts that they had laid waste their people who may be prisoners to be delivered up the Conolloways and a great part of Conogochegue, as soon as possible, and that they promise to deliver up and had lately defeated 40 regular forces of Fort Cumthose they have of ours; they say they will join the Six berland, and were determined to attack that fort. The Nations against the French, if they desire it.' The Gov. matter was re-considered and agreed to advise the Gov. hopes, therefore, the war is not declared against them. to confine the cessation of arms to the Susquehanna In


April 15. Message of Legislature about people going to Lancaster.

Mr. Chew and others sent by Governor to Lancaster, to persuade them to desist.

April 21. Mr. Chew and others returned from caster; and the Governor summoned the Assembly for the 10th of May.

April 24. Letter of Governor to Sir William Johnson. "By information of several of the prisoners who made their escape I can assure you that there are not less than 300 of our people in servitude to them and the French on the Ohio; the most of them at Shingas's town, called Kittanning, about thirty miles above Fort Duquesne, Scarooyady, and Montour, must have acquainted you that they saw more or less English prisoners in almost every one of the Delaware towns on the Susquehanna as high as Diahoga."

"The main body of the Delawares live at Kittanning and the other Delaware towns on and beyond the Ohio, and have been the most mischievous, and do still even so late as last week continue to murder and destroy our inhabitants."

But Gov. M. in his letter to Sir W. Johnson, consid-dians. ers this as very unsatisfactory ground for believing they will have peace with the Delawares. That they had no prisoners but one Indian in gaol charged with crime.

Accounts arrived that the Six Nations had re

Then Mr. Israel Pemberton on behalf of some of the Quakers, offered to mediate between the Governor and the Delawares and to send a message at their own ex-nor's return. pense, if permitted. Scarooyady was consulted and framed a message himself, to be sent by some Indians, sta-quested Sir W. Johnson not to come to the meeting at ting the request of the Friends, and his desire, and that Onondago. Accounts from Virginia, of Winchester beof the Six Nations, that the Delawares would accept it. ing invested by the Indians. After long consideration the Gov. and Council agreed

to it.

June 3. The three Indians sent by the Governor returned to Philadelphia, and were received with great joy. They had succeeded in their mission so far that the Delawares at the Susquehanna entreated mercy, to be distinguished from the Ohio Delawares, and renew their alliance-asked their captives to be allowed to return, and laid aside the hatchet. Tediuscung was their speaker. A suspension of hostilities ordered for 30 days. June 10. These Indians returned to Diahoga. June 14. The commissioners of the £60,000 fund, (B. Franklin and 4 others) recommend to the Gov. to order out parties from the forts to range the west side of Susquehanna quite to Ohio and the neighbourhood of Fort Duquesne.

April 26. Finally concluded to send three of the chiefs to the Delawares to inform them of what Sir Ch. Hardy (Gov. of N. Y.) had communicated; to state the desire of the Gov. and of the descendants of those that came over with the proprietor for peace, and to bring with them Paxinosa a Delaware chief who had continued friendly.

April 28. Gov. sends to Gen. Shirley for 1000 stand of arms, out of 10,000 arrived at Boston. 600 sent by Gen. Shirley. Proclamation issued for a Fast. Gov. set out for the frontiers to hasten away the forces designed to erect a Fort at Shamokin.

May 5. Letter 24th April, Sir W. Johnson to Gen. Shirley, (copy sent by the latter to Gov. M.) "Sir Ch. Hardy writes me that Gov. M., by the public prints, had declared war against the Delawases and Shawnese IndiI am surprised that Mr. Morris, whose province was so much interested in the result of the Six Nations' embassy to those Indians, who was a principal in it, and to whom I sent a copy of my last proceedings, would


May 11. Governor sends a message to the Assembly dated 9th May, Harris's ferry.

May 26. Proclamation sent by Gov. for suspension of hostilities for 20 days against the Delawares. But the Council thought proper not to publish it till the Gover

Indian message from Col. Johnson and Six Nations, came down to Susquehanna to Col. Clapham's encampment with permission from the Six Nations to build a fort at Shamokin, and another 14 miles above Wyemink. Orders given to Lieut. Colonel Armstrong and others, to have Pomfret castle built, where it was laid out by Col. Budd. And to send out parties of at least 50 men each to annoy the Indians.

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