will be the stipulations of the treaty of alliance? These may be more or less onerous or pernicious. Certainly the British minister will not hazard the fate of his nation without the hope of some correspondent advantage. One stipulation is certain. We must agree to continue the war until a peace can be obtained by common consent: and this is precisely the stipulation which we ought not to make, if it can be avoided; because we shall then be no longer masters of our exterior relations. To this it may be objected, that we cannot expect aid from Britain without a previous treaty. I ask, what reliance you have for aid with treaty? The answer is, that it will be her interest. And, sir, it is her interest to give that aid without treaty. I have now gone through this tedious discussion. I have trespassed on your patience more than I wished, although, from the lateness of the hour, much has been omitted of what I ought to have said. I have endeavored to show, that, under the existing circumstances, we are now actually at war, and have no choice but manly resistance or vile submission; that the possession of this country by France is dangerous to other nations, but fatal to us; that it forms a natural and necessary part of our empire; that, to use the strong language of the gentleman near me, it is joined to us by the hand of the Almighty, and that we have no hope of obtaining it by treaty. If, indeed, there be any such hope, it must be by adopting the resolutions offered by my honorable friend. Sir, I wish for peace; I wish the negotiation may succeed, and therefore I strongly urge you to adopt these resolutions. But though you should adopt them, they alone will not insure success. I have no hesitation in saying, that you ought to have taken possession of New Orleans and the Floridas, the instant your treaty was violated. You ought to do it now. Your rights are invaded, confidence in negotiation is vain: there is, therefore, no alternative but force. You are exposed to imminent present danger: you have the prospect of great future advantage: you are justified by the clearest principles of right: you are urged by the strongest motives of policy: you are commanded by every sentiment of national dignity. Look at the conduct of America in her infant years. When there was no actual invasion of right, but only a claim to invade, she resisted the claim; she spurned the insult. Did we then hesitate? Did we then wait for foreign alliance? No-animated with the spirit, warmed with the soul of freedom, we threw our oaths of allegiance in the face of our sovereign, and committed our fortunes and our fate to the God of battles. We then were subjects. We had not then attained to the dignity of an independent republic. We then had no rank among the nations of the earth. But we had the spirit which deserved that elevated station. And now that we have gained it, shall we fall from our honor? Sir, I repeat to you that I wish for peace: real, lasting, honorable peace. To obtain and secure this blessing, let us, by a bold and decisive conduct, convince the powers of Europe that we are determined to defend our rights; that we will not submit to insult; that we will not bear degradation. This is the conduct which becomes a generous people. This conduct will command the respect of the world. Nay, sir, it may rouse all Europe to a proper sense of their situation. They see, that the balance of power, on which their liberties depend, is, if not destroyed, in extreme danger. They know that the dominion of France has been extended by the sword over millions who groan in the servitude of their new masters. These unwilling subjects are ripe for revolt. The empire of the Gauls is not, like that of Rome, secured by political institutions. It may yet be broken. But whatever may be the conduct of others, let us act as becomes ourselves. I cannot believe, with my honorable colleague, that three-fourths of America are opposed to vigorous measures. I cannot believe that they will meanly refuse to pay the sums needful to vindicate their honor and support their independence. Sir, this is a libel on the people of America. They will disdain submission to the proudest sovereign on earth. They have not lost the spirit of '76. But, sir, if they are so base as to barter their rights for gold, if they are so vile that they will not defend their honor, they are unworthy of the rank they enjoy, and it is no matter how soon they are parcelled out among better masters. Do My honorable friend from Pennsylvania, in opening this debate, pledged himself and his friends to support the executive government if they would adopt a manly conduct. I have no hesitation to renew that pledge. Act as becomes America, and all America will be united in your support. What is our conduct? Do we endeavor to fetter and trammel the executive authority? Do we oppose obstacles? we raise difficulties? No. We are willing to commit into the hands of the chief magistrate the treasure, the power and the energies of the country. We ask for ourselves nothing. We expect nothing. All we ask is for our country. And although we do not believe in the success of treaty, yet the resolutions we move, and the language we hold, are calculated to promote it. I have now performed, to the best of my power, the great duty which I owed to my country. I have given that advice which in my soul I believe to be the best. But I have little hope that it will be adopted. I fear that, by feeble counsels, we shall be exposed to a long and bloody war. This fear is, perhaps, illfounded, and if so I shall thank God that I was mistaken. I know that, in the order of his Providence, the wisest ends frequently result from the most foolish measures. It is our duty to submit ourselves to his high dispensations. I know that war, with all its misery, is not wholly without advantage. It calls forth the energies of character, it favors the manly virtues, it gives elevation to sentiment, it produces national union, generates patriotic love, and infuses a just sense of national honor. If, then, we are doomed to war, let us meet it as we ought; and when the hour of trial comes, let it find us a band of brothers. Sir, I have done, and I pray to Almighty God that this day's debate may eventuate in the prosperity, the freedom, the peace, the power and the glory of our country. ORATION ON HAMILTON. This oration was pronounced at the porch of the old Trinity Church, over the body of General Hamilton, at the time of its interment, July 14th, 1804.* If on this sad, this solemn occasion, I should endeavor to move your commiseration, it would be doing injustice to that sensibility, which has been so generally and so justly manifested. Far from attempting to excite your emotions, I must try to repress my own; and yet, I fear, that, instead of the language of a public speaker, you will hear only the lamentations of a wailing friend. But I will struggle with my bursting heart, to portray that heroic spirit, which has flown to the mansions of bliss. Students of Columbia-he was in the ardent pursuit of knowledge in your academic shades, when the first sound of the American war of strength for its own preservation; and that in consequence we should share the fate of chy to despotism. We hoped better things. many other republics, and pass through anarWe confided in the good sense of the American people; and, above all, we trusted in the protecting providence of the Almighty. On this important subject he never concealed his opinion. He disdained concealment. Knowing the purity of his heart, he bore it as it were in his hand, exposing to every passenger its inmost him to censure from misrepresentation. His This generous indiscretion subjected speculative opinions were treated as deliberate designs; and yet you all know how strenuous, how unremitting were his efforts to establish and to preserve the constitution. If, then, his single error, in a life devoted to your service. opinion was wrong, pardon, O! pardon that recesses. At the time when our government was orcalled him to the field. A young and unpro-ganized, we were without funds, though not tected volunteer, such was his zeal, and so brilliant his service, that we heard his name before we knew his person. It seemed as if God had called him suddenly into existence, that he might assist to save a world! The penetrating eye of Washington soon perceived the manly spirit which animated his youthful bosom. By that excellent judge of men, he was selected as an aid, and thus he became early acquainted with, and was a principal actor in the more important scenes of our revolution. At the siege of York, he pertinaciously insisted on, and he obtained the command of a Forlorn Hope. He stormed the redoubt; but let it be recorded that not one single man of the enemy perished. His gallant troops, emulating the heroism of their chief, checked the uplifted arm, and spared a foe no longer resisting. Here closed his military career. Shortly after the war, your favor-no, your discernment, called him to public office. You sent him to the convention at Philadelphia; he there assisted in forming that constitution, which is now the bond of our union, the shield of our defence, and the source of our prosperity. In signing the compact, he expressed his apprehension that it did not contain sufficient means • See New York Evening Post, July 16th, 1804; and Coleman's Collection of Facts, relative to the death of Hamilton, page 41. without resources. To call them into action, and establish order in the finances, Washington mation, and above all, he sought for sterling, sought for splendid talents, for extensive inforHamilton. The system then adopted, has been incorruptible integrity. All these he found in the subject of much animadversion. If it be not without a fault, let it be remembered that cumstances of the moment-recollect the connothing human is perfect. Recollect the cirflict of opinion-and, above all, remember that of the people. a minister of a republic must bend to the will The administration which Washington formed was one of the most efficient, one of the best that any country was ever blest with. And the result was a rapid there is no example in any other age or nation. advance in power and prosperity, of which The part which Hamilton bore is universally known. which he believed to be sincere, led him to trust His unsuspecting confidence in professions, too much to the undeserving. This exposed him to misrepresentation. He felt himself obliged to resign. The care of a rising family, and the narrowness of his fortune, made it a duty to return to his profession for their support. But though he was compelled to abandon public life, never, no, never for a moment did he abandon the public service. He never lost sight of your interests. I declare to you, be there was no offence; no guile. His generous hand and heart were open to all. Gentlemen of the bar-you have lost your brightest ornament. Cherish and imitate his example. While, like him, with justifiable, and with laudable zeal, you pursue the interests of your clients, remember, like him, the eternal principle of justice. Fellow-citizens-you have long witnessed his professional conduct, and felt his unrivalled eloquence. You know how well he performed the duties of a citizen-you know that he never courted your favor by adulation or the sacrifice of his own judgment. You have seen him contending against you, and saving your dearest interests, as it were, in spite of yourselves. And you now feel and enjoy the benefits result fore that God, in whose presence we are now especially assembled, that in his most private and confidential conversations, the single objects of discussion and consideration were your freedom and happiness. You well remember the state of things which again called forth Washington from his retreat to lead your armies. You know that he asked for Hamilton to be his second in command. That venerable sage well knew the dangerous incidents of a military profession, and he felt the hand of time pinching life at its source. It was probable that he would soon be removed from the scene, and that his second would succeed to the command. He knew by experience the importance of that place and he thought the sword of America might safely be confided to the hand which now lies cold in that coffin. Oh! mying from the firm energy of his conduct. Bear fellow-citizens, remember this solemn testimonial that he was not ambitious. Yet he was charged with ambition, and wounded by the imputation, when he laid down his command, he declared, in the proud independence of his soul, that he never would accept of any office, unless in a foreign war he should be called on to expose his life in defence of his country. This determination was immovable. It was his fault that his opinions and his resolutions could not be changed. Knowing his own firm purpose, he was indignant at the charge that he sought for place or power. He was ambitious only for glory, but he was deeply solicitous for you. For himself he feared nothing; but he feared that bad men might, by false professions, acquire your confidence, and abuse it to your ruin. Brethren of the Cincinnati-there lies our chief! Let him still be our model. Like him, after long and faithful public services, let us cheerfully perform the social duties of private life. Oh he was mild and gentle. In him | this testimony to the memory of my departed friend. I charge you to protect his fame. It is all he has left-all that these poor orphan children will inherit from their father. But, my countrymen, that fame may be a rich treasure to you also. Let it be the test by which to examine those who solicit your favor. Disregarding professions, view their conduct, and on a doubtful occasion ask, Would Hamilton have done this thing? You all know how he perished. On this last scene I cannot, I must not dwell. It might excite emotions too strong for your better judg ment. Suffer not your indignation to lead to any act which might again offend the insulted majesty of the laws. On his part, as from his lips, though with my voice for his voice you will hear no more let me entreat you to respect yourselves. And now, ye ministers of the everlasting God, perform your holy office, and commit these ashes of our departed brother to the bosom of the grave. ROBERT GOODLOE HARPER. Or those learned and eloquent men, who belonged to the Maryland bar, during the latter portion of the last and the beginning of the present century, no one was more justly celebrated than General Harper. He was a native of Spottsylvania county, Virginia, where he was born in the year 1765. His parents removed, during his childhood, to Granville, in North Carolina. From this time until his appearance in the American service as a soldier in a troop of horse under General Greene, the record of his life is wanting. He was then but fifteen years old. At the age of twenty he entered the College of New Jersey, at Princeton, where, while perfecting his course, he acted as a tutor to some of the less advanced classes. In September, 1785, he received his first degree, choosing as the subject of his discourse, The Proper Objects of Education.* Soon after leaving college he embarked for Charleston, South Carolina, and after experiencing a boisterous and stormy passage, arrived at that place, "a stranger, with only a few dollars in his possession." Through the kindness of a gentleman, of whose son he had been a teacher while at Princeton, he was enabled to enter upon the study of law. So rapid was his improvement that he commenced practice in a year, and with a view of obtaining a larger sphere for his professional operations, he removed to the interior of the State. Here he became distinguished as a powerful political writer, and at a later period, was elected to the legislature of the State. On his retirement from this office, he was delegated to the lower house of the United States Congress, in which body he gained the enviable distinction of being an earnest supporter of the measures of Washington, and a devoted, fearless friend of his country." In the animated and protracted discussion which followed the publication of the Treaty of 1794, General Harper took a prominent part. During the winter of the next year he published an elaborate address to his constituents, giving his reasons for approving the measure. After pointing out its merits, and answering with ability the objections of its opponents, he concludes:-"Such are the reasons which have induced me to believe, that the treaty in question is proper and expedient.' * * * * * * Whenever it comes before us I shall give my voice for its going fully into effect; convinced that it is consistent with the honor and conducive to the interest and happiness of my country; of that country among whose citizens and whose sons it is my boast and my pride to be numbered, and to which it is my highest ambition to be useful.” † In May, 1797, he published his Observations on the Dispute between the United States and France, and during the same month delivered a masterly speech on the necessity of resisting the encroachments of the latter nation. He continued in Congress during the three succeeding years, when, on the accession of President Jefferson, he retired for a time from public life; and, having married the daughter of Charles Carroll of Maryland, he removed to that State, and settled at Baltimore. Here he again commenced the practice of the law. His great professional qualifications were now brought into operation. In 1805, he was associated with Luther Martin See New Jersey Gazette, of October 10th, 1785. + Select Works of Robert Goodloe Harper, vol. 1, page 41. and Joseph Hopkinson, as counsel for Judge Chase, in the celebrated trial which resulted in the acquittal of that officer on all the charges in his impeachment. In 1812, he was a member of the House of Representatives, from his adopted State. The following year he delivered the eulogistic speech in honor of the Russian victories, and soon after another similar oration on the Recent Triumphs of the Cause of Mankind in Germany.* About this time he held the rank of General, and distinguished himself honorably, in repelling the attack of the British on Baltimore. In the colonization of Africa, he took an active interest. One of the reports of the Society formed for that object, which was prepared by him, contains an elaborate exposition of the merits of the system. He viewed the plan of colonization as the only method by which the mischiefs of slavery could be lessened, and cherished the hope, that the day would come when the scourge of slavery would no longer be felt in the land, when the rod of chastisement should be withdrawn, and all voices should join in the song of freedom. "The alarming danger of cherishing in our bosom a distinct nation," he says, "which can never become incorporated with us, while it rapidly increases in numbers, and improves in intelligence; learning from us the arts of peace and war, the secret of its own strength, and the talent of combining and directing its force; a nation which must ever be hostile to us, from feeling and interest, because it can never incorporate with us, nor participate in the advantages we enjoy; the danger of such a nation in our bosom needs not to be pointed out to any reflecting mind. It speaks not only to our under standing, but to our very senses; and however it may be derided by some, or overlooked by others, who have not the ability or the time, or do not give themselves the trouble, to reflect on and estimate properly the force and extent of those great moral and physical causes, which prepare gradually, and at length bring forth, the most terrible convulsions in civil society; it will not be viewed without deep and awful apprehensions by any who shall bring sound minds, and some share of political knowledge and sagacity, to the serious consideration of the subject. Such persons will give their most serious attention to any proposition which has for its object the eradication of this terrible mischief, lurking in our vitals.” † In 1824, Mr. Harper advocated, in a powerful speech, the connection of the waters of the Ohio and the Chesapeake, by a canal through the District of Columbia. This speech was soon after published, together with a reply to some of the objections of the opponents of the scheme. The welfare of his adopted city always won his earnest attention, and although actively employed in his professional duties, he became identified with every project of public utility which was devised to increase the power and prosperity of the State. On the fourteenth of January, 1825, he died. "He dropped down dead," says Wirt, "and it is said by his physician, died probably before he reached the floor. He had no recent warning of the approach of death: on the contrary, he had been unusually well for some time past. On Thursday (the day previous to his decease), he was well in court, and made one of the best arguments he ever made in his life-an argument three hours long. I met him again in the afternoon, at a watchmaker's, and he told me that he did not experience the slightest inconve nience from his exertions in speaking in the morning, and that he never felt better. That night he was at a ball, and, I am told, was uncommonly gay and agreeable. On Friday morning he was again well, and had eaten his breakfast as usual, and was standing up before the fire, reading a newspaper, when death struck him, in the manner I have mentioned." His death was deeply felt in the community in which he had lived, at the bar of which he was such a distinguished ornament; and the nation mourned one of its purest and most enlightened patriots. § * This speech was delivered at Annapolis, Maryland, on the 20th of January, 1814, and subsequently published. + Annual Report of the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States, 1823. North American Review, vol. 18, page 62. + Extract from a letter of William Wirt to his daughter, written two days after the death of General Harper.-Kennedy's Life of Wirt, vol. 2, page 195. § See Washington National Journal of January 17th, 1825. |