Make your own comments. For myself, I am a good deal in the fix of the old man who, going up hill with a wagon load of apples, had the tail-board burst out and the apples go flying or rolling down the hill. He was silent. He couldn't do the subject justice, and he wasn't particularly pious either. And yet the Southern rebels and Northern Copperheads are all for the Union and the Constitution, "for the old flag, and an appropriation." And they have a Union soldier!! for their candidate. Don't you suppose old Oliver Cromwell turned in his coffin, and tore his shroud a little, when he heard of the treachery of General Monk? وو "The The Copperheads had a standing cry during the warConstitution as it is, and the Union as it was;" but the poor old Union wouldn't " was worth a cent till the calm broad brow of Grant confronted its enemies at Appomattox, and laid them out forever. PART VII. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, BY THE LATE ZACHARIAH CHANDLer. The most fitting close to this little compilation is the speech of the late and lamented Senator Chandler, delivered in the Senate on the 30th of June, 1879. He said: "Mr. President: Whether the resolution to adjourn, passed by the House, is acted upon to-day or not, is immaterial. We have now spent three months in this Capitol, not without certain results. We have shown to the people of this nation just what the Democratic party means. The people have been informed as to your objects, ends and aims. By fraud and violence, by shot-guns and tissue ballots, you hold a present majority in both houses of Congress, and you have taken an early opportunity to show what you intend to do with that majority thus obtained. You are within sight of the promised land, but, like Moses of old, we propose to send you up into the mountain to die politically. "Mr. President: We are approaching the end of this extra session, and its record will soon become history. The acts of the Democratic party, as manifested in this Congress, justify me in arraigning it before the loyal people of the United States on the political issues which it has presented, as the enemy of the nation, and as the author and abettor of rebellion. “First.—I arraign the Democratic party for having resorted to revolutionary measures to carry out its partisan projects, by attempting to coerce the Executive, by withholding supplies, and thus accomplishing by starvation the destruction of the Government, which they had failed to overthrow by arms. Second. I arraign them for having injured the business interests of the country by forcing the present extra session, after liberal compromises were tendered to them prior to the close of the last session. Third. I arraign them for having attempted to throw away the results of the recent war by again elevating State over National sovereignty. We expended $5,000,000,000 and sacrificed more than three hundred thousand precious lives to put down this heresy and to perpetuate this national life. They surrendered this heresy at Appomattox, but now they attempt to renew this pretension. Fourth. I arraign them for having attempted to damage the business interests of the country by forcing silver coin into circulation, of less value than it represents, thus swindling the laboring man and the producer, by compelling him to accept eighty-five cents for a dollar, and thus enriching the bullion owners at the expense of the laborer. Four million dollars a day is paid for labor alone, and by thus attempting to force an eighty-five cent dollar on the laboring man you swindle him daily out of $600,000. Twelve hundred million dollars are paid yearly for labor alone, and by thus attempting to force an eighty-five cent dollar on the laboring man you swindle him out of $180,000,000 a year. The amount which the producing class would lose is absolutely incalculable. Fifth. I arraign them for having removed without cause experienced officers and employees of this body, some of whom served and were wounded in the Union army, and with appointing men who had in the Rebel army attempted to destroy this Government. Sixth. I arraign them for having instituted a secret and illegitimate tribunal, the edicts of which have been made the supreme governing power of Congress in defiance of the fundamental principles of the Constitution. The decrees of this junta are known, although its motives are hidden. Seventh. I arraign them for having held up for public admiration that arch rebel, Jefferson Davis, declaring that he was inspired by motives as sacred and as noble as animated Washington; and as having rendered services in attempting to destroy the Union which will equal in history Grecian fame and Roman glory. (Laughter on the Democratic side and in portions of the galleries.) You can laugh. The people of the North will make you laugh on the other side of your faces! Eighth.-I arraign them for having undertaken to blot from the statute-book of the nation wise laws, rendered necessary by the war and its results, and insuring life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' to the emancipated freedmen who are now so bull-dozed and ku-kluxed that they are seeking peace in exile, although urged to remain by shotguns. Ninth. I arraign them for having attempted to repeal the wise legislation which excludes those who served under the rebel flag from holding commissions in the army and navy of the United States. Tenth. I arraign them for having introduced a large amount of legislation for the exclusive benefit of the States recently in rebellion, which, if enacted, would bankrupt the National Treasury. Eleventh. I arraign them for having conspired to destroyed all that the Republican party has accomplished. Many of them breaking their oaths of allegiance to the United States, and pledging their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors to overthrow this Government, they failed, and thus lost all they pledged. Call a halt. The days of vaporing are over. The loyal North is aroused and their doom is sealed. I accept the issue on these arraignments distinctly and specifically before the citizens of this great Republic. As a Senator of the United States, and as a citizen of the United States, I appeal to the people. It is for those citizens to say who is right and who is wrong. I go before that tribunal confident that the Republican party is right and that the Democratic party is wrong. They have made these issues, not we, and by them they must stand or fall. This is the platform which they have constructed, not only for 1879 but for 1880. They cannot change it, for we will hold them to it. They have made their bed, and we will see to it that they lie thereon." I submit this pamphlet with the hope that, in the hands of public speakers on the Republican side in this campaign, it will meet a want that I have felt, in common with others, in political campaigns which I have been in pretty steadily ever since 1854, when the great battle against Slavery and Southern Olligarchy began in earnest. It is intended to relieve the weary speaker to some extent from carrying, and trying to " read as he runs," armfuls of speeches, documents and newspapers, and to place within his reach a ready and reliable reference to the topics he may choose, and sometimes without choice, be obliged to discuss. I have endeavored to keep myself out of sight as much as possible, and omitted many things that I hope to say orally before the fight closes. For I believe in stated preaching at irregular periods. What we all have to do now is to work and vote; vote for men representing the principles we believe to be the best for the country and for man. After a masterly exposition of the right of suffrage, its enjoyment and the obligations it brings with it, here is what Mr. Evarts says as to its practical use and exercise, in his Cooper Institute speech of last year, from which I have already quoted: OBJECTIONS TO THROWING AWAY VOTES. You may very well understand, gentlemen, that a people having this attachment to suffrage, and this intelligence of its vital importance, don't like very well, when election day comes to throw it away. They don't like very well to see any of their neighbors throw it away. They don't like very well to see any other of their countrymen jostled and hustled at the polls, so that they can't exercise the suffrage; and so, when it comes to be a practical question, you find the strong sense of the American people requiring a very good account from any citizen who thinks it worth his while to stay away from the polls, or to vote so that his vote won't count. [Applause and laughter.] It is bad enough to have to vote under circumstances where your vote won't be counted [laughter], but it is a great deal worse to vote where your vote can't count at all. [Applause.] Well, now, gentlemen, we don't vote in the air. We don't vote for abstract principles. We don't even vote whether the Republican party, or the Democratic party, or the Greenback party shall be uppermost in this country. The only way that we vote is to vote for some candidate that represents the party that we want uppermost [applause], and the principles and measures and policies which we want engrafted upon the political action of the Government; and the only way we can do that is by voting for some candidate that is produced in the methods of our politics for the suffrages of his fellow-citizens. Well now, the law and the Constitution, as I have said, regulating the ballot and the suffrage, who shall regulate this preliminary process of selecting and presenting candidates who are to embody principles and be the vehicle through which the will of the people in regard to the policies and measures and principles of the Government shall be effectively carried out? Well, gentlemen, there is the puzzle, and there we have the criticisms, friendly and unfriendly, of the system of Civil Service reform; and then we have intermediate between the presentation of candidates and the deposit of votes, agitations of private conscience and of private interest, as to whether or no there is that conformity between the candidate and principles and the purposes and policy which the voters desire to see ob served. Well, it is the duty of every convention, and should be their highest art as well, to impersonate the principles of a party in candidates who would give the best assurance of the purposes of the party being carried out by their election, and the best assistance in conciliating and attracting votes to enlist in that object; and it may be said in general, I suppose, that that is the purpose of conventions, and that that in general is the successful result, leaving always some reret that some one else is not nominated, and an internal conviction in many minds that if they could have had their own way in the matter it would have been infinitely better for the American people. [Applause.] Now, when names do not wholly comport with the private judgment of this or that citizen as to what would have been the best impersonation of the principles, and purposes of the party, what is the voter to do? Why do as every sensible man does when placed in a situation where action one way or the other is to be taken-give to the leading principle and the leading interest the determination of what he shall do. If anybody does not think that the maintenance in power of the Republican party in the councils and authority of the Nation is an important thing, let him deposit his vote upon some lesser consideration. [Laughter.] If he does not think it of any importance whether Mr. Cornell [applause], or Mr. Robinson, or Mr. Kelly is fit to be Governor of the State of New York, why let him vote for all these, and his ballot will be thrown out. [Laughter.] If you do not think that it is of any importance next year how the State of New York goes this year, why then vote in the air, but never lose sight of this general duty, which never can be safely neglected. If any Republican voter thinks he can serve his party better now and better in the future by voting for Governor Robinson or for Mr. Kelly, in God's name let him do so. [Applause.] If he thinks that the best thing he can do with this precious gift of the suffrage, given to him for his own right, and as a trust for all this country all over it, if he thinks that the best thing for him to do with that precious trust is to fold it away in a napkin, let him be sure that when disasters come he has nothing to answer for, that his conscience will excuse him then for a deserted duty." I commend these words of wisdom and practical good sense to Republicans everywhere, East, West, North and South. Let us have no "voting in the air." Rally, boys, once more for the Union and the whole Constitution; for Garfield, Arthur and victory. Do this, and victory certainly awaits us on the 2d of November. Let us have a Nation, realizing Whittier's hope that: "Wheresoe'er our destiny sends forth Its widening circles to the South or North, |