APPENDIX.

REPUBLICAN PLATFORM.

The Republican party, in National Convention assembled, at the end of twenty years since the Federal Government was first committed to its charge, submits to the people of the United States this brief report of its administration. It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of men to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the Union of the States with freedom instead of slavery as its corner-stone. It transformed four million human beings from the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not exist. It has raised the value of our paper currency from 38 per cent. to the par of gold. It has restored upon a solid basis payment in coin for all the national obligations, and has given us a currency absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended country. It has lifted the credit of the nation from the point where 6 per cent. bonds sold at 86 to that where 4 per cent. bonds are eagerly sought at a premium. Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000 miles in 1860 to more than 82,000 miles in 1879. Our foreign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the same time, and our exports, which were $20,000,000 less than our imports in 1860, were $264,000,000 more than our imports in 1879. Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed the ordinary expenses of Government, besides the accruing interest on the public debt, and disbursed annually more than $30,000,000 for pensions. It has paid $880,000,000 of the public debt, and, by refunding the balance at lower rates, has reduced the annual interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 to less than $89,000,000. All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire country there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed. Upon this record the Republican party asks for the continued confidence and support of the people, and this con.vention submits for their approval the following statement of the principles and purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts:

1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty-one years has been such as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved through immense difficulties should be preserved; that the peace regained should be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily restored, should be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation should be transmitted undiminished to future generations; that the order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired; that the pensions promised should be paid; that the debt so much reduced should be extinguished

by the full payment of every dollar thereof; that the reviving industries should be further promoted, and that the commerce already so great, should be steadily encouraged.

2. The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law and not a mere contract; out of Confederate States it made a sovereign nation; some powers are denied to the nation while others are denied to States, but the boundary between the powers delegated and those reserved is to be determined by the national and not the State tribunals.

3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the several States, but it is the duty of the National Government to aid that work to the extent of its constitutional ability. The intelligence of the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several States; and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one State, but by the average genius of all.

4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law respecting an establishment of religion, but it is idle to hope that the nation can be protected against the influence of sectarianism while each State is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend that the Constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibition upon the Legislature of each State, and also to forbid the appropriation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools.

5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue should be discriminate as to favor American labor; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to any railway or corporation; that Slavery having perished in the States, its twin barbarity-polygamy-must die in the Territories; that everywhere the protection accorded to a citizen of American birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption. That we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our water courses and harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private corporations must cease; that the obliga tions of the Republic to the men who preserved its integrity in the hour of battle are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory. Their perpetual honor is and shall forever be the grateful privilege and sacred duty of the American people; we welcome in the benefits and privileges of our free institutions all those who seek their enjoyment and are willing to assume the obligations while they participate in the benefits of American citizenship. The influx to our shores of hordes of people who are unwilling to perform the duties of the citizen, or to recognize the binding force of our laws and customs, is not to be encouraged; and believing that respectful attention should be paid to evils complained of by our brethren on the Pacific coast, we urge the renewed attention of Congress to this important question, and suggest such changes of our existing treaty obligations as will remedy these evils.

6. That the purity and patriotism which characterizes the earlier career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the thoughts of our immediate predecessor to him for a Presidential candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as chief executive, and that history will accord to his administration the honors which are due to an efficient, just and conscientious fulfillment of the public business, and will honor his interpositions between the people and proposed partisan laws.

7. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust of office and patronage; that to obtain

possession of the National and State governments and the control of place and position, they have obstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the freedom of suffrage; have devised fraudulent certifications and returns; have labored to unseat lawfully elected members of Congress, to secure at all hazards the vote of a majority of the States in the House of Representatives; have endeavored to occupy by force and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courage and action of Maine's patriotic sons; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose passage the very movements of government depends; have crushed the rights of the individual; have advocated the principle and sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably good results-freedom and individual equality; and we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the Republican party to use all legitimate means to restore all the States of this Union to the most perfect harmony which may be practicable; and we submit to the practical, sensible people of the United States to say whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests of our country, at this time to surrender the administration of the National government to a party which seeks to overthrow the existing policy under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there is now order, confidence and hope.

THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.

The Convention at Cincinnati adopted unanimously the following declaration of principle:

The Democrats of the United States in Convention assembled declare:

First.-We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines and traditions of the Democratic party as illustrated by the teaching and example of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots, and embodied in the platform of the last National Convention of the party.

Second. Opposition to centralizationism and to that dangerous spirit of encroachment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever be the form of Government, a real despotism; no sumptuary laws; separation of church and State for the good of each; common schools fostered and protected.

Third.-Home rule; honest money-the strict maintenance of the public faithconsisting of gold and silver and paper, convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of the public faith, State and National, and a tariff for revenue only.

Fourth. The subordination of the military to the civil power, and a general and thorough reform of the civil service.

Fifth. The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights, and must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States.

Sixth. The existing administration is the representative of conspiracy only, and its claim of right to surround the ballot-boxes with troops and deputy mar

shals to intimidate and obstruct the electors, and the unprecedented use of the veto to maintain its corrupt and despotic power, insults the people and imperils their institutions.

Seventh. The great fraud of 1876-'77, by which, upon a false count of the electoral votes of two States, the candidate defeated at the polls was declared to be President, and for the first time in American history the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representative Government. The Democratic party, to preserve the country from the horrors of a civil war, submitted for the time in firm and patriotic faith that the people would punish this crime in 1880. This issues precedes and dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Union than ever addressed the conscience of a nation of freemen.

Eighth. We execrate the course of this administration in making places in the civil service a reward for political crime, and demand a reform by statute which shall make it forever impossible for the defeated candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by billeting villains upon the people.

Ninth. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden not again to be a candidate for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority of his countrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of the Republican party, is received by the Democrats of the United States with sensibility, and they declare their confidence in his wisdom, patriotism, and integrity, unshaken by the assaults of a common enemy, and they further assure him that he is followed into the retirement he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and respect of his fellow-citizens, who regard him as one who, by elevating the standards of public morality and adorning and purifying the public service, merits the lasting gratitude of his country and his party.

Tenth.-Free ships and a living chance for American commerce on the seas and on the land. No discrimination in favor of transportation lines, corporations, or monopolies.

Eleventh.-Amendment of the Burlingame treaty. No more Chinese immigration except for travel, education, and foreign commerce, and therein carefully guarded.

Twelfth.—Public money and public credit for public purposes solely, and public land for actual settlers.

Thirteenth.-The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the cormorants and the commune. Fourteenth.-We congratulate the country upon the honesty and thrift of a Democratic Congress, which has reduced the public expenditures $40,000,000 a year; upon the continuation of prosperity at home and the national honor abroad, and, above all, upon the promise of such a change in the administration of the Government as shall insure us genuine and lasting reform in every department of the public service.

GENERAL JAMES A, GARFIELD.

It is no part of the plan of this hand-book to give any extended biography of the candidates, as these will, no doubt, be furnished in abundance by the National Committees. A brief notice, however, seems not out of place.

General Garfield was born in the village of Orange, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, in November, 1831, and will, consequently, be, at the time of his election to the highest office in the gift of his countrymen, Forty-nine years old.

In 1861, when the Rebellion broke out, he was serving as a Senator in the Legislature of his native State. He instantly determined to enter the army, and on the 14th of August, 1861, was commissioned Lieut.-Colonel of the forty-second Ohio.

His service was with that splendid army, the Army of the Cumberland, with which he remained until after the battle of Chicamauga, and by that time Garfield had attained the rank of MajorGeneral, his last promotion being for gallant and heroic conduct on the bloody field of Chatanooga. This promotion to the highest field rank within the space of two years is enough to fix his record, and a glorious one it is, as a soldier.

He was equal to every occasion, and the occasions were of the grandest and most trying. I think the records of the war will show no instance of a young man without any previous military training or education who displayed more wonderful military capacity, with the single exception of General John A. Logan, who is a born soldier and a great commander by nature.

A year before he left the army, and without solicitation on his part, General Garfield was elected to Congress, to fill the place made vacant by the death of the illustrious Joshua R. Giddings. He has been in the House of Representatives continuously ever since, and that he has been able to fill a place occupied so long by his great predecessor, to gain distinction in that place, and to stand to-day as he does, the peer of any man on the floor of the House as a prudent and profound statesman and orator, and among the first of parliamentary leaders, is record enough for any man, and it may be added that, in the Senate, which he would by right enter on the day that he will be inaugurated President of the United States, he would meet with but few superiors in the qualities I have just referred to.

The best biography of Gen. Garfield that I have ever seen is Mr. Whitelaw Reid's, in his first volume of "Ohio in the War," and all the better because it is not written for the present occasion. It ought to be published by the Republican Committee and scattered broadcast throughout the country.