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be rewarded by those future concessions, of which many ersons appear to be so certain. We have a strange ncredulity where persecution is to be abolished, and // any class of men restored to their indisputable †. When we see it done, we will believe it. Till it is done, we shall always consider it to be highly improbable— much too improbable—to justify the smallest relaxation in the Catholics themselves, or in those who are wellwishers to their cause. When the fanciful period at present assigned for the emancipation arrives, new scruples may arise—fresh forbearance be called for — and the operations of common sense be deferred for another generation. Toleration never had a present, tense, nor taxation a future one. The answer which Paul received from Felix, he owed to the subject on which he spoke. When justice and righteousness were his theme, Felix told him to go away, and he would L^ hear him some other time. All men who have spoken . “to courts upon such disagreeable topics, have received the same answer. Felix, however, trembled when hé gave it; but his fear was ill directed. He trembled at the subject—he ought to have trembled at the delay. Little or nothing is to be expected from the shame of deferring what it is so wicked and perilous to defer. Profligacy in taking office is so extreme, that we have no doubt public men may be found, who, for half a century, would postpone all remedies for a pestilence, if the preservation of their places depended upon the propagation of the virus. To us, such kind of conduct conveys no other action than that of sordid avaricious y impudence:—it puts to sale the best interests of the country for some improvement in the wines and meats and carriages which a man uses—and encourages a new political morality which may always postpone any other great measure—and every other great measure, as well as the emancipation of the Catholics. We terminate this apologetical preamble with expressing the most earnest hope that the Catholics will not, from any notion that their cause is effectually carried, relax in any one constitutional effort necessary to
their purpose. Their cause is the cause of common Isense and justice:–the safety of England and of the world may depend upon it. It rests upon the soundest principles; leads to the most important consequences; and therefore cannot be too frequently brought before the notice of the public. The book before us is written by Mr. Henry Parnell, the brother of Mr. William Parnell, author of the Historical Apology, reviewed in one of our late Numbers; and it contains a very well-written history of the penal laws enacted against the Irish Catholics, from the peace of Limerick, in the reign of King William, to the late Union. Of these we shall present a very short, and, we hope even to loungers, a readable abstract. The war carried on in Ireland against King William cannot deserve the name of a rebellion: –it was a struggle for their lawful Prince, whom they had sworn to maintain; and whose zeal for the Catholic religion, whatever effect it might have produced in Englano could not by them be considered as is of was terminated by the surrender of Conditions by which the Catholic rationally hoped, to secure to thems their religion in future, and an exemption from all those civil penalties and incapacities which the reigning creed is so fond of heaping upon its subjugated rivals. By the various articles of this treaty, they are to enjoy such privileges in the exercise of their religion, as they did enjoy in the time of Charles II. : and the King promises upon the meeting of Parliament, “to endeavour to procure for them such further security in that particular, as may preserve them from any disturbance on account of their said religion.” They are to be restored to their estates, privileges, and immunities, as they enjoyed them in the time of Charles II. . The gentlemen are to be allowed to carry arms; and no other
oath is to be tendered to the Catholics who submit to .
King William, than the oath of allegiance. These and other articles, King William ratifies for himself, his heirs and successors, as far as in him lies; and confirms the
e free enjoyment of . same, and every other clause and matter therein contained. These articles were signed by the English general on the 3d of October, 1691; and diffused comfort, confidence, and tranquillity among the Catholics. On the 22d of October, the English Parliament excluded Catholics from the Irish Houses of Lords and Commons, by compelling them to take the oaths of supremacy before admission. In 1695, the Catholics were deprived of all means of educating their children, at home or abroad, and of the privilege of being guardians to their own or to other persons' children. Then all the Catholics were disarmed —and then all the priests banished. After this (probably by way of joke), an act was passed to confirm the treaty of Limerick,-the great and glorious King William totally forgetting the contract he had entered into, of recommending the religious liberties of the Catholics to the attention of Parliament. *the 4th rch, 1704, it was enacted, that any SOIl o ho would turn Protestant, should succeed to e, which from that moment could no longe charged with debt and legacy. On the same day, Popish fathers were debarred, by a penalty of 500l., from being guardians to their own children. If the child, however young, declared himself a Protestant, he was to be delivered immediately to the custody of some Protestant relation. – No Protestant to marry a Papist. — No Papist to purchase land, or take a so of land for more than thirty-one years. If the profits of the lands so leased by the Catholic amounted to above a certain rate settled by the act, —farm to belong to the first Protestant who made the discovery.—No Papist to be in a line of entail; but the estate to pass on to the next Protestant heir, as if the Papist were dead. If a Papist dies intestate, and no Protestant heir can be found, property to be equally divided among all the sons; or, if he has none, among all the daughters. By the 16th clause of this bill, no | Papist to hold any office civil or military. — Not to
dwell in Limerick or Galway, except on certain conditions. – Not to vote at elections. – Not to hold ad-l VOWSOInS. In 1709, Papists were prevented from holding an annuity for life. If any son of a Papist chose to turn Protestant, and enrol the certificate of his conversion in the Court of Chancery, that court is empowered to compel his father to state the value of his property upon oath, and to make out of that property a competent allowance to the son, at their own discretion, not only for his present maintenance, but for his future portion after the death of his father. An increase of jointure to be enjoyed by Papist wives, upon their conversion.— Papists keeping schools, to be prosecuted as convicts. – Popish priests who are converted to receive 30l. per (172777/772. Rewards are given by the same act for the discovery of Popish clergy; —50l. for discovering a Popish bishop; 20l. for a common Popish clergyman; 10l. for a Popish usher! Two justices of the peace can compel any Papist above 18 years of age to disclose every particular which has come to his knowledge respecting Popish priests, celebration of mass, or Papist schools.-Imprisonment for a year if he refuses to answer.—No body can hold property in trust for a Catholic.—Juries, in all trials growing out of these statutes, to be Protestants. — No Papist to take more than two apprentices, except in the linen trade.—All the Catholic clergy to give in their names and places of abode at the quarter-sessions, and to keep no curates.—Catholics not to serve on grand juries.—In any trial upon statutes for strengthening the Protestant interest, a Papist juror may be peremptorily challenged. In the next reign, Popish horses were attacked, and allowed to be seized for the militia. — Papists cannot be either high or petty constables.—No Papists to vote at elections.—Papists in towns to provide Protestant watchmen;–and not to vote at vestries. -In the reign of George II., Papists were prohibited from being barristers. Barristers and solicitors mar
rying Papists, considered to be Papists, and subjected to all penalties as such. Persons robbed by privateers, during a war with a Popish prince, to be indemnified by grand jury presentments, and the money to be levied on the Catholics only. No Papist to marry a Protestant; – any priest celebrating such a marriage to bel hanged. During all this time, there was not the slightest rebel-\ lion in Ireland. In 1715 and 1745, while Scotland and the north of England were up in arms, not a man stirred in Ireland; yet the spirit of persecution against the Catholics continued till the 18th of his present Majesty; and then gradually gave way to the increase of knowledge, the humanity of our Sovereign, the abilities of Mr. Grattan, the weakness of England struggling in America, and the dread inspired by the French revolution. Such is the rapid outline of a code of laws which reflects indelible disgrace upon the English character, and explains but too clearly the cause of that hatred in which the English name has been so long held in Ireland. It would require centuries to efface such an impression; and yet, when we find it fresh, and operating at the end of a few years, we explain the fact by every cause which can degrade the Irish, and by none which can remind us of our own scandalous policy. With the folly and the horror of such a code before our eyes,—with the conviction of recent and domestic history, that mankind are not to be lashed and chained out of their faith, – we are striving to teaze and worry them into a better theology. Heavy oppression is removed; light insults and provocations are retained; the scourge does not fall upon their shoulders, but it sounds in their ears. And this is the conduct we are pursuing, when it is still a great doubt whether this country alone may not be opposed to the united efforts of the whole of Europe. It is really difficult to ascertain which is the most utterly destitute of common sense, –the capricious and arbitrary stop we have made in our concessions to the