we could only put it in practice, justly, upon the persons of criminals, who had so forfeited their freedom, under the laws of that society from which we procured them, and of this fact we must obtain irrefragable testimony. Supposing any number of these wretched outcasts, of both sexes, to be received by us and employed on our plantations, what sort of claim could we set up against their children? Could the united votes of all the citizens in the State consign a single infant to bondage because its parents had committed crimes and suffered the penalty? The child born of these parents would have the same natural rights with our own children; the same indefeasible inheritance from nature "of life, of liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" and would have an additional title to kindness and protection from the unfortunate circumstances of his birth. What would be the course of justice in regard to such children? Their parents having no political rights, they would be received as orphans into the arms of a virtuous and honorable society; they would be the children of the public, and be treated with that tenderness to which the orphan has an irresistible claim from every human being with a heart uncorrupted. No, fellow citizens!-all the power of the community, directed to this single point, could not extend the right of slavery beyond the individual who has forfeited his freedom by crime. With the condition of those societies where slavery has taken root we have here no concern. It has no legal existence here. A set of men called legislators, in this state or any other, have no power to give one man a title to the liberty of another, any more than to his life; or to doom infants to servitude, whatever may have been the crimes or complexion of their parents, any more than they have power to order them to be strangled at their birth; which, in fact, would be, of the two, the least criminal proceeding. Slavery, as offered to us, is a bottomless abyss of wretchedness and iniquity; the inquisition is a mere puddle compared to it! Could you, whilst hovering on the brink, behold it in its horrors, no power on earth could compel you to take the plunge-there would be no need of arguments to restrain you. But they crowd upon me as I meditate on the subject and before I conclude I must add the following for your consideration: The extent of surface at present occupied by the republick, under the organized jurisdiction of states and territories is a little more than one million of square miles. It appears that slavery is tolerated over 650.000 square miles and prohibited over 402,000-thus, the extent of territory open to slaves is greater, by about one-fourth of the whole, than that from which they are excluded! It also appears, from the census of 1820, that there were at that time 5,175,080 inhabitants on the non-slaveholding territory and only 4,394,963 inhabitants, including slaves, on the slaveholding territory, though so much more extensive! Yet under these circumstances, there are persons who speak of cruelty in penning up the negroes; and propose, with the humane view of giving them still more room, to surrender this State to their accommodation; feeling no compunction about penning up their white brethren of the non-slaveholding states, who form a majority of free inhabitants of the union, as five to three; and are already excluded from more than three-fifths of our common country, unless they will defile themselves with slavery, or become sufferers under its degrading influence! It is ascertained that the black population increases faster than the white in slave states. The necessary consequence of this is that negroes will be the majority in number on that portion of the United States which tolerates slavery, at a period not very remote. Rigorous treatment. augumenting in severity as their numbers increase, may for a time keep them in subjection: but this cruel system has its limits. Superiority in physical power they will acquire:-superiority in intellectual force will sooner or later follow.-When that time arrives they will destroy or expel the white inhabitants and remain the sole possessors of these countries. This process has had a successful beginning on the isle of St. Domingo. That the other West India. Islands will soon follow the example, I presume no one doubts who is acquainted with the subject. I leave it to the advocates of slavery to pursue the painful speculation to the continent of America. It is also ascertained that the population in slave states does not increase so fast as the white population in free states, by from thirty to forty per cent in twenty years. And that the population of a slave state, bond and free, does not increase so fast as the population of a free state. Therefore, slavery not only diminishes the number of free persons by occupying their places, but it retards population generally. Of this, New York and Pennsylvania, compared with Virginia, afford a striking proof:-as also Ohio compared with Kentucky, and Indiana with Missouri. The difference in these last is very interesting to us. In 1800 Kentucky, 39,000 square miles, contained. .220.959 Inhabitants 406.511 black and white. free Inhabitants .564,317 55.356 230,769 581.434 In regard to emigration, we should probably exclude ten by slavery for one that it would bring in. If we expect money we must not look to the slaveholders, for they will bring only negroes: whereas emigrants from the east or from Europe all bring money, more or less. If we wish to sell land the difference is still in favor of a free emigration. The slave owner will purchase from congress; eastern or European emigrants are more likely to buy improvements. Produce would be lowered in price by the introduction of slavery; because slaveholders with their negroes are all producers. Other emigrants will be partly consumers who by introducing manufactures and dollars to be expended in labour, will create a home market for produce and increase the price. So that in every view in which we can place it, independent of moral considerations, slavery would be against our interest. But, if all the arguments of a temporary and inferior interest were as much on the side of slavery as they are opposed to it, what are they in comparison with the miseries and abominations which are its inseparable companions? M. BIRKBECK. |