possessed of a practical knowledge of the effects of a general peace, on the interests of the country, occasioned the revolution our commerce had undergone to be overlooked or disregarded.

Most of those engaged in commerce, who also, it will 'be recollected, preside over the monied institutions which regulate our currency, had little other experience of commerce, than such as existed during the wars of the French revolution. They naturally supposed, that it would continue to work the same effects, as during that period, except in smaller amount. The failure of two successive crops in Europe, in 1815 and 1816, which stayed for a time the operation of the new state of affairs, served to continue this delusion. The time, however, is not remote, when we shall be awakened to the true situation of our commercial relations with Europe, and its consequences. The evils, which now press on us, many vainly flatter themselves, are mere temporary effects, similar to those which have before arisen from slight derangements of commerce. We are firmly persuaded, they are of a very different character, and of a more formidable nature. We have no doubt, that they are the same, as the evils under which this country suffered when colonies, and during the peace subsequent to the revolution. The sooner we satisfy ourselves that such is the case, the earlier we shall extricate ourselves from the embarrassments, that must grow out of this position, in which we are placed. We propose to enter into the examination of this subject in a future number, and trust we shall exhibit by a comparison of the commerce of the colonies, and the effects it produced on them, extracted from authentic documents, with the present commerce of this country, and the effects now begun to be felt, that they are of similar character. We fear, that from this view of the subject, though little flattering to our pride, it will be apparent, that after having expended the best blood of the nation, and millions of treasure to shake off the yoke of colonization, we have voluntarily adopted the colonial policy of England, and placed ourselves with respect to her, and in truth to most of the world, in the situation of colonies. From this state of humiliating and injurious dependency, the United States are bound to vindicate the sovereignty of a free people. For in vain will they make pretensions to a perfect independence, while they incur through the medium of their wants, all the consequences of subjection.

NO. XIII.

Philadelphia, July 5, 1819. VARIOUS causes concur to produce the present unhappy state of affairs. It is our belief, however, that the main root, whence branch all the evils we suffer, is the neglect of furnishing full employment, to the productive labour of the country.

National wealth does not consist in land, people, or the precious metals, but in the possession of products or values, created by labour.

A country with an extended territory, and a scattered population, must be poor and feeble. Such is Spain at this moment, and such was this country when in the state of colonies.

There is a paper in the Spectator, No. 200, that contains some excellent reflections on this subject, which, as they cannot be better expressed, we shall extract in full.

"If the same omnipotent Power, which made the world, should at this time raise out of the ocean and join to Great Britain, an equal extent of land, with equal buildings, corn, cattle, and other conveniences and necessaries of life, but no men, women nor children, I should hardly believe this would add either to the riches of the people, or revenue of the prince." And again

"That paradox, therefore, in old Hesiod, Y n'μIU Talas, or half is more than the whole, is very applicable to the present case; since nothing is more true in political arithmetic, than that the same people with half a country, is more valuable than with the whole. I began to think there was nothing absurd in Sir W. Petty, when he fancied if all the Highlands of Scotland and the whole kingdom of Ireland, were sunk in the ocean, so that the people were all saved and brought into the lowlands of Great Britain; nay, though they were to be reimbursed the value of their estates by the body of the people, yet both the sovereign and the subjects in general, would be enriched by the very loss."

The same sentiment is contained, and placed in a striking point of view with relation to this country, in a petition to parliament, in the year 1767. General Phineas Lyman, it appears, contemplated the establishment of a set

tlement on the Ohio, in the present state of Illinois; and for this purpose applied to parliament for a tract of land. He enforced the propriety of the measure, by the argument, that there could be little danger of the colonies becoming independent, if confined to agricultural pursuits, and the inhabitants were diffused over the country. The position is perfectly correct, and is a very suitable and forcible reply to those who are incessantly advising the same policy to these free and independent states, instead of promoting manufacturing industry on the seaboard, and the already thickly settled parts of the country. This is purely an En glish doctrine, and one which the English government unquestionably warmly approves.

"A period," the petition we allude to observes, "will doubtless come, when North America will no longer acknowledge a dependence on any part of Europe. But that period seems to be so remote, as not to be at present an object of rational policy or human prevention [and] it will be made still more remote, by opening new scenes of agriculture, and widening the space, which the colonies must first completely occupy.'

While it is thus demonstrated, that territory thinly peopled confers neither riches nor power, we have examples in Egypt, modern Greece, and other provinces of the Turkish empire, and in Persia, that people deficient in industry, contribute as little to national wealth or strength; while Spain and Portugal are familiar instances, that they are not necessarily concomitant with the possession of the precious metals.

When we reflect on the distribution of labour in society, which is necessary to give value to production, we shall be more sensible of the truth and operation of the principles laid down.

It has been judged from experience, and admitted by the best authorities, that the labour of twenty-five persons, will procure all the common necessaries of life, as food, drink, apparel, housing, furniture, &c. for one hundred persons. This supposition takes the above articles as coarse, though plentiful and good. One half, it is supposed, from being too old, or too young, sick or infirm, will produce nothing. There will then remain about twenty-five individuals of every hundred, capable of working, who are necessarily idle

* Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, 1767.

or non-productive. Now, on the quantity and quality of the employment, with which these twenty-five individuals are occupied, depend the wealth, power, intelligence, and degee of civilization of a nation.

The objects which can alone occupy this class, which, for the sake of distinction, we shall call non-necessary producers, as there is sufficient of sustenance and rainment, &c. for necessary wants, produced without them, must be, in part, to give to those products greater refinement, and consequent value: that is, to give to food a higher relish and more diversity; and to apparel, furniture, &c. more of ornament and beauty. These operations are the chief constituents of manufacturing industry, and absorb a considerable part of the labour, which would otherwise be idle. The cultivation of letters, of the fine arts, of the physical and abstract sciences, the offices of state, and its protection in the army or navy, in civilized society, give occupation to the remainder.

When that portion, which is employed in creating material products or values, finds full occupation, and is predominant, then national wealth is on the increase; circulation is kept full, brisk and steady; contentment and ease, comfort and happiness, are in the power of each individual to obtain; the government is invigorated, and its finances in a flourishing state. This is the situation of a prosperous people, and to attain and preserve it, should be the constant aim of an enlightened government

The reverse of this state of productive industry, brings on a lamentable change in the affairs of a nation. In proportion as the employment of this class diminishes, national production or wealth declines; circulation becomes dull, languid and stagnant; embarrassments and difficulties surround traders; poverty and misery assail labourers; being idle, they become vicious; and, oppressed by pauperism, they become criminal. The materials for riots, and civil commotions; the ready instruments of designing demagogues, are formed and accumulated, to the hazard of all good citizens, and the safety of civil government.

It is not improbable, that it was this state of things, which was one of the principal causes of the violences of the French revolution. The derangement of the finances; the immense and unequal exactions of the government, which fell chiefly on the industrious poor; the vacillation of its measures, which overthrew all confidence; and the operation of the

impolitic treaty of commerce with England of 1786, all tended to ruin the productive industry of France. Large fragments of its population were thus disjointed from their usual situation, and floated loose and unemployed, endangering the existence of organized society, with the first agitations that should arise.

The commencement of the revolution seems a demonstration of the fact A starving multitude surrounded the Hotel de Ville, vociferating for bread; and, whenever the king appeared in public, his ears were stunned with the same incessant clamour from the crowd, that thronged around his coach.

The same principle, explains satisfactorily the cause of the extraordinary military energy of France, at that period. Her commerce ruined; her manufactures languid; her trades sinking from diminished consumption; her agriculture oppressed and declining; and the total destruction of her finances, threw an immense mass of physical and labour power out of employment. The army offered the only mode of occupation, by which it could be absorbed. Hence, more than a moiety of the non-necessary producers, whose labour had been appropriated on a thousand different objects, was suddenly devoted to arms. In the armies of the republic were found every rank and grade of society, and every variety of trade and profession.

Europe, which had confederated against that devoted country, and anticipated an easy conquest, was surprized, alarmed, and confounded, at the spectacle presented by this nation, which had seemed prostrated with calamity, sending forth at one time "eleven distinct armies"* to the field, and her extended frontier bristling with bayonets.

This principle was so well understood in England, before the establishment of manufacturing industry secured permanent employment, that it became a maxim with her kings to engage in wars, whenever this portion of her population accumulating, became idle, restless, and discontented.

"It was the dying injunction of the late king, (Henry IV.) to his son, not to allow the English to remain long in peace, which was apt to breed intestine commotions; but to employ them in foreign expeditions, by which the prince might acquire honour; the nobility, by sharing his dangers,

* Stevens's Wars of the French Revolution, vol. i. p. 266.

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