trade, prohibitions and duties at, and for some time before the year 1819. In that year, very extensive modifications of duties and prohibitions were made. These, with subsequent alterations, and amounting altogether, nearly to an entire new code, have been procured by our Secretary of State, and reported to Congress at its present session, and officially published. They occupy 287 octavo pages, and show what the English regulations of trade are, to a late period. It becomes impracticable to state the particular provisions, but they show most conclusively, that there is no disposition existing in the British government towards relaxation; but, on the contrary, a most cautious and rigid attention to maintain her system is evinced. The number of articles permitted to be imported, has been increased: but every manufactured article, of which there are a few, is subjected to such excessive duties, as to render the admission nearly nominal.* No person, after examining this document, can pretend that there exists the smallest appearance of relaxation in the British government, and will attribute the fallacious representations of a disposition to do so, to the cupidity of British commercial agents in this country, or to self interested motives in other persons. That there are, however, in England and elsewhere, many persons of the opinion that the time has arrived, when it would be good policy in England, to do away those restrictions and protections, there is no doubt; and to open a free unrestrained trade with every other nation which would in like manner take away all restraints, protections and preferences, and open an unrestrained free trade with her. Protections to manufactures and trade, could, to all appearance, be better dispensed with by England, than by any other nation. What has England to fear in her own markets from a competition with foreign manufactures? Such is the immense advantage which she derives from having domesticated and combined within the nation, all the arts, with ablest artizans in abundance, and with the best tools, labour-saving machines, and fixtures adapted to every purpose, in every known art, and manufacture, that it would seem to be evident, that she has nothing to fear in her own markets, from the artizans and manufacturers of any other people.

Nations, which, like us, have not the necessary knowledge of the arts for manufacturing, nor the artizans; to obtain them, must do as England did; that is, give them substantial and efficient protection; but when once obtained, the nation which possesses them, may remain fearless of competition. But it may possibly be the case, that England, before long, will come out with a proposition, to admit our bread-stuffs and provisions, our lumber, and every thing which we may think proper to send her, on condition that we continue to take her manufactured articles in return. If so, and the proposition should be accepted by our government, it ought to be looked upon as a great calamity. We may then abandon all hopes of an efficient home market for agricultural productions. In fine, we may make up our minds to remain forever poor; with our lands badly tilled, and revenue from duties small.

* See Note B.

*

The West India and Nova Scotia dispute, terminated in an accommodation of this kind, in relation to the shipping of the respective countries.* But it should be recollected, that navigation forms but a single item: our people had become thoroughly acquainted with the art, and largely extended in it, before the accommodation took place. It is not so with manufactures: many of them are not understood; and whoever calculates upon their rise for a long time, without powerful protection, will be disappointed. But the farming interest, who constitute a great majority in this country, have only to say the word, and their representatives in Congress will adopt measures which shall soon give them manufactories and safe home markets for all their productions.

Protection to manufactures is further objected to, on the ground that congress is not authorised by the constitution to give that protection, by increased duties or prohibitions; nor to cherish and elevate one branch, where that elevation or protection may prejudice another branch of business; and more particularly, where it may prejudice the shipping and importing branches, already established, and in successful prosecution.

To these objections, it may be replied, that, whether the powers in question have, or have not been delegated to congress, that body have uniformly exercised them for every purpose, deemed necessary in promoting the public welfare. The power has unquestionably been given to congress, "to lay and collect taxes, and to establish imposts; to regulate the trade with foreign powers, among the several states, and with the Indian tribes." Another important function conferred upon congress, is, "to provide for the public defence, and for the general welfare."

These powers are applied at the discretion of congress, and include, not only the power required to be exercised in this particular case, but it is believed to be imposed upon that body as a duty, to protect and promote the rights and interests of their own country, and each, and every class, section and individual, against the aggressions and cupidity of foreigners, and to regulate the whole concern, in such manner as to produce the greatest practicable benefit to their consti

tuents.

This will appear to have been the intention of the framers of the constitution, as well from the exposition given of those powers, at, and about the time of the adoption of that instrument, as from the early practice of that government under it, in the imposition of discriminating duties, favourable to the ships and shipping interests of this country; granting bounties to fishing vessels; prohibiting all trade from this country, to some others, in foreign vessels. The tonnage on vessels, and duties payable on goods, were all so arranged and imposed by congress, and that, directly after the adoption of the constitution, as to induce shipments in the vessels of this country, in preference to any other, and at a time also, when the country had but a very few seamen and vessels.-By such means, congress cherished and elevated the ships and shipping interests of this country, to their present exalted standing.

* See Note C.

As a further evidence, however, of the clear understanding of the framers of the constitution, as to the powers vested in congress, in relation to the protection of manufactures, the first congress, (who were many of them members of the convention which framed the constitution,) in the preamble to the first act passed by congress, imposing duties on imported articles, the protection of manufactures is stated as one of the inducements to that measure. "Whereas it is necessary, for the support of government; for the discharge of the debts of the United States; and for the protection and encouragement of manufactures," &c.

The framers of the constitution and members of the first congress, must be presumed to be better able to determine what were the powers intended to be vested in congress, than the younger commentators of the present day.

The great preference compelled and enforced by congress, to be given to the ships and shipping interests of this country, for a time bore hard upon the farming or landed interest. It was not complained of, however, except by the southern states, which owned no ships, and never expected to own any. The consequences from this forced preference to the ships of this country, has resulted in raising up within it, a stock of mariners, ships, ship-builders, sail-makers, capital, and shipping concern, such as is hardly to be found in any other. The institution was at considerable, but temporory expense to the country. We had to pay higher duties, or ship in the vessels of our own country, at higher freights. Our number of vessels and seamen was very small, and, but for the preference given by congress to the temporary prejudice of the landed interest, the number of ships and mariners might have remained small to this day. But the benefits soon resulting to the country, greatly exceeded the incipient expense. Ships and seamen multiplied; a strong competition ensued, which reduced freights and charges of all kinds, to the lowest possible grade. It proves, in every point of view, a great benefit to the country, in seeking for markets for its productions, and by carrying them, at the cheapest rates, into every part of the world, where they can find admittance and a market.

When congress first determined that this branch of business should be established in this country, and to that end gave it the required protection, there was not only an ostensible, but an absolute want of hands to carry it on. Qur vessels having the preference, those of other nations had less to do. Their sailors having less to do in their own vessels, sought for, and found employment in ours, in the same manner as their cloth-makers would now find employment in our work-shops, if congress should, by like protecting duties, cause a preference over those of all other countries, to be given to cloths made in this country, from the wool of our own sheep, and by artizans who should, while making them, give our own farmers the benefit of a home market, for the provisions and bread-stuffs required for their support. The English could not resort to our work-shops, to get back their cloth-makers, as they did to our ships, to reclaim their seamen ; which, more than any thing else, brought on the late war, and thereby, incidentally, brought an expense on the country of many millions. But it

has now become evident that congress consulted the best interests of the country, by instituting, and protecting this branch of national wealth and industry, at any hazard, and at any given expense. The objection, therefore, to giving protection to manufactures, comes with an ill grace from the ship owners, who, from a like protection to their ships, have become rich.

The southern or cotton, sugar and tobacco-growing states, complained as loudly against the protection given to the shipping interests, as they now do of the required protection to manufactures. It is remarkable that they never complained at the exercise of that power by congress, when applied to secure the home demand for the articles of their chief dependence. But the exercise of this power by congress, long since produced the desired effect, as well upon the shipping interest, as upon the growing of cotton, sugar and tobacco. It has not only encouraged the improvement of their lands, and secured to them the home market, but it has enabled these interests to supply foreign demand to a great extent. They may now all tell us that the congressional protection is of no use to them. The coarse cotton cloth-makers may say the same as it relates to that article.-They have not only secured the home-market, but considerable foreign demand, by the effect of congressional protection: but the fine cotton fabrics, woollen and hempen goods, still require further protection. That the protection now provided for the articles last mentioned, has not produced the effect which it has done for the shipping, the cotton, sugar, and tobacco-growing interests, is evident from the large quantities which are still imported; and nothing more is requested than that it shall be increased until it has produced that effect.

The chief agricultural articles for which there appears to be an efficient foreign demand, are cotton, tobacco, naval stores and rice; to the growth of which the climate of the middle and eastern states is not adapted, and they are left without any commanding article for exportation. We have continued our ancient practice of raising breadstuffs and provisions, in the confident expectation of foreign demand for them, in exchange for woollen cloths and other manufactured articles, until, upon their being refused in exchange, we find ourselves suddenly reduced to poverty. The remedy is obvious. Shut out the manufactured articles, or commence upon that plan, and from time to time progress upon it. Give assurance to the adventurers in manufactures, that their investments shall not be sacrificed: and we shall very soon create home markets for all the raw materials and productions of our land, and find ourselves supplied with manufactured articles, upon better terms than they are now imported. The cottongrowers will thereby secure to themselves an enlarged home market, where they may be under no apprehensions of being supplanted by Egyptian competition, or by wars.

The acts of England, in refusing to take the agricultural productions of the middle and eastern states in exchange for her manufactures, ought to be considered by us in the light of friendly and paternal admonitions. These acts may reasonably be construed as saying to us," you are of age; you have left the family; make your own clothing; your welfare demands it of us to compel you to do it;

you are capacitated by God and by nature to become a great and powerful people, and to extend the language, the religion, the laws, customs and manners of England over immense regions; and even to exceed the mother country in these respects; but you never can arrive to that state, until you acquire and domesticate the mechanic arts, upon which that elevated station is mainly dependent. Europe has millions of artizans who would flock to your shores; add to your numbers; and teach your rising population the necessary arts, if you would give them protection, until they have firmly established themselves among you. You have the history of our rise; avoid our errors and unnecessary wars; exclude foreign manufactures; and you will soon have the necessary stock of artizans, and a home market for all your agricultural productions."

I should consider it a great misfortune, if England should withdraw this admonitory advice, and again admit our bread-stuffs, provisions and raw materials. It would have a tendency to prevent us, for a long time, from rising to that solid and permanent elevation to which, by her policy, we are now fast approaching, and to which we may very soon attain by proper management. We want, in addition to the obstructions which she throws in the way of importations, such further obstructions raised by our government, as shall create the fullest confidence in manufacturing undertakings in this country. That done, we shall soon draw into the country a great addition to our present population, not of the description of mere ditch-diggers, but of intelligent artizans. The inducements to emigrations of this description, would probably be greater than any which the settlement of new lands has ever held out.

The importing merchants, of all others, ought not to complain of the measures proposed. If they lose the importing profit on the particular article for which protection is asked, they, together with the shipping merchants, will find an abundant compensation from the increased quantities of commodities still remaining to be imported. The importers will find, moreover, that most of the articles proposed to be made in this country, must still pass through their hands. A large proportion of the coarse cotton cloths now made in this state, are sent to the city of New York, in the first place; from thence they are distributed through the country in parcels to suit customers, or pass through the hands of shipping merchants to foreign markets. Our rent-receiving men will find their interests promoted by these measures, as thereby their rents will be increased or maintained. Our interest and dividend-receiving men will find better employments for their capitals; the salaries and fees of our officers of government and professional men will be better paid, and every description of persons will have the gratification of beholding the general prosperity of the country.

It is maintained by some of the oldest and most forward manufacturers, whose establishments had their rise in the early stages of the embargo, that manufactures do not require further protection in this country.

It is with difficulty this opinion can be reconciled with pure inten

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