In the further examination of this subject, I propose [said Mr. H.] to take a brief review of the pension system in this country, and to point out the new, extravagant, and alarming provisions which it is proposed, by this act, to introduce into that system. The people of the United States, even before the Revolution, had imbibed a deep-rooted and settled opposition to the system of pensions. [SENATE. I am conscious I am only doing that of which the veterans and "who, by reason of reduced circumstances, shall of the Revolution themselves, if they were here present, stand in need of assistance from their country for support. would cordially approve. In doing justice to the country, [See act of 18th March, 1818.] Here, it will be seen that I am also doing justice to them. the principle which limits pensions to disabilities incurred in the service is abandoned, and length of service and poverty are made the conditions on which pensions are hereafter to depend. The history of that bill, as I have heard it from the lips of those who were actors in the political scenes of that day, is not a little curious. All agreed that the operation of the bill was to be confined to those who had, during the Revolution, given up their private pursuits, and devoted themselves exclusively to military ser In the country from which they had emigrated, they vice. No one imagined, for a moment, that any person found it operating as a system of favoritism, by which who had rendered casual services merely; men who had those in authority made provision, at the public expense, only shared, in common with all the other citizens of the for their friends and followers. In Great Britain, pen-country, the dangers and sacrifices of the times, were to sions have long been used as the ready means of providing be the objects of public bounty. The original proposifor the "favored few," at the expense of the many. This tion, therefore, was to confine the provisions of the bill system affords the most convenient means of appropria- to those who had served in the regular army, either duting the industry and capital of the laboring classes, for ring the war, or for a term of three years, and who stood the support of those drones in society, the "fruges nati in need of assistance from their country for support. consumere," who occupy so large a space in all refined, But, sir, in the progress of that bill, it was discovered civilized, and christian countries. Our ancestors had that, in a certain quarter of the Union, a number of solseen, and severely felt, the effects of such a system, which diers had been enlisted for a term of only nine months, necessarily converts the great mass of the people into the and, to cover their case, "three years" was stricken out, "hewers of wood and drawers of water" for the privi- and "nine months" inserted. Sir, no one foresaw the leged orders of society. When our Revolution commenc- consequences of that measure. It was supposed that even ed, therefore, a deep, settled, and salutary prejudice this provision would include only a few hundred men. against pensions almost universally prevailed. On the The whole charge upon the treasury was estimated at one recommendation of General Washington, however, Con-hundred and sixty thousand dollars. And, seduced by gress had found it necessary to provide that the officers this expectation, and by the popular cry of "Justice to of the regular army, who should continue to serve to the the old soldiers," Congress were persuaded to pass a end of the war, should be entitled "to half pay for life." bill which they were assured could not make any very So strong, however, was the prejudice against pensions, considerable addition to the pension list, which would be that the officers entitled "to half pay for life," found it necessary so far to yield to public opinion as to accept of a "commutation," in lieu thereof, of five years' full pay, a debt which was not finally discharged, according to the true spirit of the contract, until about two years ago. lessened from year to year, and would soon cease to exist. And what, sir, was the result? What a lesson does it read to legislators! How forcibly does it admonish us to weigh well the provisions of this bill, before we undertake to enlarge or extend the pension law of 1818. I have applied to the Pension Office for information on this subject, and hold in my hand the official report of the officer at the head of that department. In giving the result, I shall not aim at minute accuracy. In 1806, provision was made by law for pensions to all persons disabled in the military service of the United States during the Revolution; and, in 1808, the United States assumed the payment of all the pensions granted by the States for disabilities incurred in the Revolution. The number of applicants for pensions, under the act And, from that time to 1818, the principle was settled, of 1818, considerably exceeded thirty thousand! a numthat all persons disabled in the course of military service ber greater than that of General Washington's army, at should be provided for at the public expense, and the any period of the war; exceeding the whole number of United States took upon themselves the payment of pensions soldiers that could be supposed to be alive in 1818. Notto such persons, "whether they served in the land or sea ser- withstanding the "rigid rules" laid down by the Departvice of the forces ofthe United States, or any particular State, ment of War, it was found impossible to exclude the apin the regular corps, or the militia, or as volunteers." Here, plicants. Upwards of eighteen thousand were admitted then, was the American pension system established on a and placed on the pension roll, one-third of whom, at fast and sure foundation. The principle assumed was not least, (as it afterwards appeared) had no claim to be there. merely gratitude for services rendered; for that principle The claims of upwards of twelve thousand of the applimust have embraced civil as well as military pensions, and is broad enough to admit all the abuses that have grown up under the pension system even of Great Britain. Our principle was, that pensions should be granted for disabilities incurred in military service--a measure deemed necessary to hold out those inducements to gallantry and deeds of daring which have been found necessary in all other countries, and which we have, perhaps, no right to suppose can be safely dispensed with in ours. Here, then, we find, that, up to the year 1818, the principle of our pension system was disability, a wise and safe principle, limited in its extent, and almost incapable of abuse. cants were found, even at the first examination, to be entirely groundless, and were accordingly rejected. The money required to pay the pensions was found to be, not one hundred and sixty thousand dollars, as had been estimated, but between two and three millions. The very first year, Congress had to appropriate for pensions, under the act of 1818, one million eight hundred and forty-seven thousand nine hundred dollars; and the next year, two million seven hundred and sixty-six thousand four hundred and forty dollars, which, with the appropriations for invalid pensions, made the whole amount appropriated in that year for pensions, three million one hundred and eight thousand three hundred and three dollars. And no one In 1818, however, the Representatives of the people, in can tell to what extent these appropriations would have Congress assembled, seem to have been seized with a sud- been carried, if Congress had not interposed to correct den fit of gratitude for Revolutionary services; an act the evil. The whole country had become alarmed. No was accordingly passed, which provided for pensioning one doubted that an immense number of persons were reall who served in the army of the Revolution" for the ceiving pensions, who had no claim to them whatever. term of nine months, or longer, at any period of the war," Men who had never served at all, or for very short pe SENATE.] Pension Law's. riods; men who had given away their property to their children, or conveyed it in trust for their own benefit; in short, every one who was old enough to have served in the Revolution, found little difficulty (notwithstanding the rigid rules of the War Department, of which we now hear so much complaint) in getting themselves placed upon the pension list. [APRIL 29, 1830. tended to change the pension system, but merely to correct some misconstructions of those acts on the part of the officers of the War Department. If, sir, I shall be able to show that there have been no such "misconstructions," and that there exists no necessity whatever for any "declaratory act," will I not have a right to expect that gentlemen who now support this bill To rescue the country from this enormous evil, the act will at once abandon it? I know, sir, the expectation of 1st May, 1820, was passed, which, without changing the would be vain; for the truth cannot be disguised, that it is terms and conditions on which pensions were to be grant- the real object of this bill greatly to enlarge and extend ed, (still requiring service "for a term of nine months," the pension system, by the introduction of new, and, as I and indigent circumstances,") yet provided guards against believe, most alarming provisions. This is no declaratory The acts of 1818 and 1820 provide that pensions frauds, by requiring every applicant to submit "a sche-act. dule of his property," and to take the necessary" oaths," shall be granted to persons who served in the regular ar&c. Sir, under the provisions of this act, intended only my of the revolution, on two conditions: 1st, That they to prevent frauds, upwards of six thousand persons were should have served for a term of nine months or longer, stricken from the pension roll. Two thousand three hun- at any period of the war;" 2d, That, by reason of reduced dred and eighty-nine never even presented a schedule, or circumstances, they shall be in need of assistance from made an application under this act; and the Treasury was their country for support." Now, sir, what are the "misthus relieved from a charge of a million of dollars per an- constructions" which make a declaratory act now necesIt is alleged, num. sary. Now, sir, with the experience afforded by this case, one would really suppose that the very last thing that any First, That "the term of nine months service" has been statesman would propose would be still further to enlarge required by the Secretary of War to be a "continuous and extend the provisions of the act of 1818, again to un-service;" and it is proposed to provide that an applicant lock the Treasury, which was wisely closed by the act of for a pension "shall be deemed to have served for the 1820, and subject it to a charge similar in character, and term of nine months, if he shall have served nine months probably much greater in amount, than was imposed by under one or several enlistments, whether continuous or that law, and to open a wide door to all the evils, aye, and much greater evils than were experienced by the counAnd it is alleged, try under the operation of that act. not." Secondly, That, in examining the "circumstances" of I will put it to the chairman of the committee who reported applicants for pensions, no fixed amount of property has this bill: Is he satisfied of the wisdom and justice of the act of been considered as conclusive of " indigent circumstances," 1818 The gentleman says, "it ought never to have been but the character, habits, place of residence, family, &c. passed." Well, sir, while the gentleman acknowledges that &c. have all been taken into account; and it is now proposed that act was impolitic and unjust, and "ought never to have by the bill from the House of Representatives, to provide that been passed," how can he advocate this bill, which enlarges a man "shall be deemed and taken to be unable to support and extends every objectionable feature of the former law? himself without the assistance of his country, if the whole Sir, if we have already taken a rash and unadvised step amount of his property, exclusive of household furniture, in this business, it is better for us to go back, or at least to &c. shall not exceed the sum of one thousand dollars, all stop where we are; but assuredly we ought not to advance debts from him justly due and owing being first deducted." and press forward in error, regardless of consequences. By way of guarding against frauds, it is added, "that the I come now to the examination of the character of the applicant shall not be required to show what his circumproposed measure. We have before us two bills: the stances or condition in life were, or what property he was first has already passed the House of Representatives; the possessed of at any time prior to the passage of this act;" second is proposed as an amendment, by the Committee of the plain interpretation of which is, that, if any man, bePensions of the Senate.* They both purport to be acts fore this act receives the sanction of the President, shall merely declaratory of the acts of 1818 and 1820, and they give away his estate to his children, he shall, notwithstandare supported on the avowed ground that they are not in-ing, have his pension. Now, in what respect has the act of 1818 been "mis* The bill from the House of Representatives proposed, construed?" How far are the bills before us "declara1st. That the applicant for a pension shall be deemed and taken tory?" It is alleged that service for a "term of nine to be unable to support himself without the assistance of his country, months" does not imply nine months continuously. But I if the whole amount of his property, exclusive of his household furniture, wearing apparel, the tools of his trade, and farming utensils, apprehend they can only relate to continuous service unshall not exceed the sum of one thousand dollars, all debts from him der one enlistment. A term is a technical phrase, and, justly due and owing being therefrom first deducted," &c. 2dly, "That, whenever the granting of such application shall when applied to judicial or military service, always relates depend upon the term of service, such applicant shall be deemed and to an unbroken period of time. The term of a court, we taken to have served for the term of nine months or longer, if his all know, has this signification; and, in military language, continuous service was nine months or longer, notwithstanding his 3dly. "That the regular troops of the several States, &c. shall be deemed and taken to have been on the continental establishment, but nothing herein contained shall be construed to include in said class The amendments proposed by the committee of the Senate embraced, in substance, the following provisions: of State troops the militia of the several State.." enlistment may have been for a shorter time than nine months, and the term of service" relates to the period of a soldier's notwithstanding he may, during any portion of his said term, have continuous service under one enlistment. That it was so been taken and detained in captivity." used in the law, is obvious. The truth is, this provision was inserted for the avowed purpose of covering a certain class of troops, known to have served under an enlistment for nine months. And the words "a term of nine months, at any period during the war," can admit of no other construction. If it had been intended to embrace mere casual service, under various engagements, amounthave been, "who served for nine months during the war," ing in the whole to nine months, the expression would or (as proposed in this hill) “whether continuous or not.” So far, therefore, as this bill relates to "the term of 3d. That the State troops shall be entitled to pensions, as propos- stitutes a new, and, as I think, a dangerous rule, for that service," it is not "declaratory" of the old law, but sub 1st. "That the applicant shall be deemed and taken to be unable to support himself without the assistance of his country, if the value of his property contained in the schedule now required by law shall not exceed the sum of one thousand dollars." 2d. "That, whenever the granting of such application shall depend upon the term of service,' &e. such person shall be deemed to have served for the term of nine months or longer, if he shall have served nine months or longer in the continental establishment, at any period during the war, whether continuons or not," &c. ed in the bill from the House of Representatives," APRIL 29, 1830.] Pension Laws. [SENATE. prescribed by the former law, as construed and uniformly the law required "a term of service of nine months or acted upon by the Department of War. longer," although persons might be admitted who had Let us next inquire into the probable effect of the pro-rendered no efficient service, yet you had some security posed provision. Who are the persons now excluded against abuse, by requiring specific proof of a continuous from the benefits of the existing law? They are those service under one enlistment, with the power, in most who, during the whole course of a war of seven years, cases, of referring to the original muster rolls, and therea bloody and arduous contest, brought to the door of eve-by detecting all attempts at imposition. Now, however, ry man,) served in all only nine months, and that, too, at various periods. that the most casual service, and for the shortest periods, is to be taken into the account, who can fail to perceive Now, let it be recollected that the law relates only to how much the chances of imposition will be multiplied? enlisted soldiers of the regular army; let it also be remem- Resort must be had to oral testimony. And what more bered that enlistments, until after the preliminaries of uncertain than the memory of man, as to the duration of peace were signed, were for fixed periods, of greater or another's service half a century ago? Who is there that less duration: some (as in the case of the Maryland line) ever served a month in the army, or who was even a folenlisted " during the war," others for a "term of three lower of the camp, that will not be able to adduce certiyears," and almost all of the rest for "the term of nine ficates to show that he served for just so long a time as he months." If I am not greatly misinformed, it was after may choose to lay claim to. the fighting had ceased-after the capture of Cornwallis But, sir, there is a stronger objection to this measure (which took place in October, '81)--after the prelimina- even, than its liability to abuse. It is, that it rests on no ries of peace were signed, (in November, '82,) that enlist-sound principle applicable to military pensions. If there ments were entered into for "nine months or less." The be any principle recognised and fully established in this gentleman says, there were some enlistments made at an country, it is, that pensions must be confined to those who earlier period for eight months, and that many of these were separated, by the nature of their service, from the men continued in service under a new engagement, after great mass of the community, and who devoted themselves the expiration of their first term. I wish the gentleman exclusively to military duties. It is a palpable absurdity had favored us with a statement of the number of such to talk of giving pensions to all the people. Those who, enlistments; I am assured they were not numerous, and in the course of the Revolution, performed, only in comthat a provision so framed as to cover such cases would mon with the rest of their countrymen, the military service operate but on a few individuals. But if the object is required of every citizen, stand upon an equal footing. merely to provide a remedy for those cases of special He alone, who, in the strictest sense, put off the citizen hardship, let provision be made for persons who enlisted and became a soldier, and who, in abandoning the pursuits, for eight months, and entered into "new engagements at relinquished also the habits of private life, can have any the expiration of their term." Provide, if you please, just claim to be provided for at the public expense. I "for persons who were taken prisoners, or who were speak not now of physical disabilities incurred in the pubconfined in prison ships," (cases on which gentlemen so lic service, this class of cases having been amply provided strongly rely,) if they are not already provided for under for under the acts of 1806 and 1898. But, with regard to the act of 1818. No one will complain of provisions in-claims depending entirely upon length of service, if we tended to apply to special cases of peculiar hardship. But, once depart from the rule I have laid down, and declare instead of making such provisions, attempts are made for that mere casual service for short periods, and at long breaking down all the barriers against fraud. These bills intervals, shall entitle a man to a pension, you cannot stop propose to throw open the door of the treasury, so as to permit all who choose to do so, to enter, and help themselves at pleasure. short of pensioning all who rendered any service whatever in the course of the Revolution. All the State troops will be embraced within this principle; and this bill, accordSir, I deny the policy or justice of the act of 1818. It ingly, proposes to provide for them. The militia will departs entirely from every sound principle applicable to come next; for what true hearted whig was there in all pensions, and has provided for that large class of persons America, who did not, in the course of the seven years' whose services were in no respect more valuable than war, render, from time to time, services equal in the whole those of the great body of the people. Who were the to the period of “nine months?" I think I may very con"nine months men," admitted under the act of 1818? fidently assert, that there was not, in the State of South They were chiefly those who entered the service after Carolina, one genuine patriot of '76 capable of bearing the capture of Cornwallis. A large proportion of them arms, who did not, in the course of the Revolution, spend served only between the date of the provisional article of more than nine months in the camp; and I should be glad peace, in November, 1782, and the adoption of the defi- to be informed on what principle they can be excluded, nitive articles, in September, 1783. if these nine months men are to be embraced? But I shall From what I can learn, a large majority of those who be told the militia will all in due season be provided for, were admitted to pensions under the act of 1818 never a proposition to that effect having already been submitted saw any service, except during the two years which elapsed in the other House. It comes, then, to this, that all are to between the capture of Cornwallis and the establishment be pensioned who rendered military service of any descripof peace. I have been unable to obtain any detailed infor- tion during the war. But were not services equally valuamation on this point. But I am told that the average ages ble rendered by men in civil stations? All these must of of these eighteen thousand pensioners, at the date of their course be included; and it will finally come to this, that application, proved that they could only have served pensions must be provided for every one who lived at the towards the close of the war. Of this vast number, but period of the Revolution; you cannot stop short of that, little more than three thousand claimed to have served if the principle embraced in the bill is to be sanctioned. through the war; so that it is unquestionable, that the So much for "the term of service." bounty of the Government, under the act of 1818, has been chiefly extended to those who never abandoned their private pursuits, who did not devote themselves exclusively to military service, and who, therefore, were not embraced within any sound and safe principle applicable to pensions in a republican government. But if such was the true character, and such the operation of that act, what will be the effect of this bill? While The next provision of the bill relates to "the circumstances in life" of the persons to be pensioned. The rule on this subject prescribed by the acts of '18 and '20, and hitherto considered as the very foundation of the pension system, was, that the pensioners should be "in such indigent circumstances as to stand in need of assistance from their country for support." I should have supposed that no one could for a moment doubt the policy, the propri SENATE.] Pension Laws. [APRIL 29, 1830. ety, nay, the absolute necessity, of this rule. No country the treasury, with a view to delay the payment of the which has ever passed through a bloody revolution, could public debt, and to postpone, indefinitely, the claims of possibly undertake to distribute rewards for every service. the people for a reduction of taxes, when the debt shall In bestowing military pensions, they are constrained to act be finally extinguished. It is an important link in the on the principle of merely providing for those who, being chain by which the American system party hope to bind unable to support themselves, are necessarily thrown upon the people, now and for ever, to the payment of the enor public or private charity. Military pensions constitute an mous duties deemed necessary for the protection of dohonorable provision for old soldiers of broken fortunes. mestic manufactures. It is obvious to every one, that a But what is the proposition now before us? Why, sir, the great crisis in the affairs of this country is at hand. The pension system is no longer to be confined to persons in national debt, which now creates a charge upon the treareduced circumstances. The bill from the other House sury of twelve millions of dollars per annum, is melting expressly declares that every man shall be "deemed and away, under the operation of our "sinking fund;" which, taken" to be in indigent circumstances, and unable to sup-if not diverted from its course, will, in less than four port himself, who shall not be worth more than one thousand years, totally extinguish it. One-half, therefore, of the dollars clear of debt. Now, can any thing be more absurd whole amount of the revenue now collected through the than such a provision! A man may be in possession of an custom house will no longer be wanted for national purestate worth half a million of dollars; he may have a clear poses; and the great question will be presented to the income from such an estate (or from professional pursuits) American people, whether they will submit to be taxed of twenty or thirty thousand dollars a year; and yet, if to the amount of twelve millions a year, merely for the his debts exceed the estimated value of his estate, the law purpose of enabling the manufacturers to fill their pockets declares he shall be "deemed and taken to be unable to at the expense of all other classes in the community, or support himself." Sir, I give all due praise to the com- for the still more preposterous purpose of paying back mittee of the Senate for their judicious recommendation the taxes so collected to the people from whom they were that this monstrous provision should be stricken out; but taken. I must be permitted to add, that I should have been bet The manufacturers know full well that such a question, ter pleased if they had reformed the section altogether. whenever presented to the justice and good sense of the I perceive they have retained the provision which fixes people, can receive but one answer. The duties will be one thousand dollars as an arbitrary standard to determine reduced; and any party that sets itself in opposition to a man's circumstances in life. Nothing, it seems to me, such a measure, will be swept away by the breath of can be conceived more unequal or unjust than to measure popular indignation, like chaff before the wind. Seeing men's circumstances in life by such a rule. Of two men and believing this, all those who have an interest in the possessed of the same amount of property, one may be in promotion of the restrictive system--all who derive a profit easy circumstances, while the other will be poor indeed.from the present unjust and unequal distribution of the A man enjoying a green old age on a farm in the Western public revenue, have been for the last two years anxiously country, with an industrious family around him, would be looking about them, and are constantly contriving schemes as independent as any man alive; while the inhabitant of for scattering abroad the public funds with a profuse hand. one of our Atlantic cities, with an equal amount of pro- They are striving, above all things, to create heavy permaperty invested in land or in stock, would not be able to nent charges upon the treasury, as an apology for high duprocure his daily bread. One man may be entirely disa- ties. The point aimed at is, to create demands upon the bled, from age or infirmity, from earning his subsistence, treasury, equal, at least, to the whole amount now annuor he may have a helpless family depending upon him for ally absorbed by the public debt. The great effort will support; another may be in the enjoyment of a large be, to accomplish this fully in the course of the ensuing professional income, or he may be surrounded by dutiful four years; so that, when the debt shall be paid, the whole children in affluent circumstances. Will any one pretend twenty-four millions of dollars now collected under our that these men would stand in equal need of "assistance present unjust, unequal, and oppressive impost laws, may from their country for support?" I confess I am unable still be found necessary to meet the demands upon the to discover a single argument in favor of the arbitrary rule treasury created by law. laid down by the committee, unless, indeed, it be desirable It is impossible, sir, it seems to me, for any man to look to increase the number of pensioners: that it will produce around him, and see what is going on in both Houses of that effect, no one can doubt. The truth is, that, in look-Congress, without perceiving that this is a fixed and seting into the circumstances of pensioners, the officers who tled policy, to which the attention of the party to which have been successively at the head of the War Department I have alluded is constantly and steadily directed. We have found it absolutely necessary (to keep the pension witness the astonishing spectacle, in a free, popular Gosystem within any thing like reasonable bounds) to resort vernment, of constant and persevering efforts to increase to rigid rules. Under the administration of Mr. Calhoun, the public expenditures; to spend money merely for the but one person was admitted whose fortune exceeded sake of having it expended; and we find the representathree hundred and fifty dollars, and the great majority tives of the people devising and contriving innumerable fell below two hundred and fifty dollars; and yet the trea- schemes to rivet upon them a system of taxation, which, sury was nearly emptied by the multitude which poured both in its character and amount, is almost without a pain under the act of 1818. Under Mr. Barbour, none were rallel in history. All the popular topics of the day are admitted whose fortune exceeded three hundred dollars. eagerly seized upon, and pressed into the service. Under General Porter, a short time before he went out of office, the pretext of promoting the internal improvement of the undertook to admit persons whose fortune did not exceed country, gigantic schemes are brought forward, and the nine hundred and sixty dollars. The consequence was, aid of the Government obtained for them to enormous the addition of several hundred names to the pension list amounts. The execution of all the plans of internal imwithin a few months; the appropriations failed; and one of provement proposed even during the present session of the very first acts of General Jackson's administration was Congress, would absorb the whole amount now annually to rescind the order made by General Porter, and to bring applied to the public debt. But the advocates of this back the system to the old standard. system are unwilling to rely on one class of measures only. But, sir, there are higher considerations connected with We have schemes for colonization, education, distribution this question than any I have yet urged. I consider this of surplus revenue, and many others, all admirably calcubill as a branch of a great system, calculated and intend-lated to promote the great end--the absorption of the ed to create and perpetuate a permanent charge upon public revenue. But, sir, of all the measures devised for APRIL 29, 1830.] Pension Laws. [SESATE. this purpose, this grand pension system, got up last year, ments showing the whole number of invalid and Revoluand revived during the present session, is by far the most tionary pensioners in every State of the Union, and also specious, the most ingeniously contrived, and the best cal- the whole amount of money appropriated for the payment culated for the accomplishment of the object. Here gen- of these pensioners from the beginning of the Governtlemen are supplied with a fine topic for declamation. ment to this time. These statements exhibit the following "Gratitude for Revolutionary services!" "the claims of results: the poor soldiers!"-these are the popular topics which it is imagined will carry away the feelings of the people, and reconcile them to a measure which must unquestionably establish a permanent charge upon the treasury to an enormous amount, and thereby furnish a plausible excuse for keeping up the system of high duties. Whole amount of appropriations for pensions under act All other pensioners, from the begin- 6,361,396 03 $20,535,670 53 To prove that such is the true character of this bill, 1 Making, in all, upwards of twenty millions of dollars. will appeal to its liberal and most extraordinary provisions; The whole number of names now on the pension roll its entire departure from all sound principles applicable of invalid pensioners, is to pensions; and, above all, to the time when, and the cir- Revolutionary pensioners, cumstances under which, it has been brought forward. These are, to my mind, entirely conclusive. When I show 3,794 12,201 15,995 that the pensioners who will be embraced within the pro- Say, in round numbers, sixteen thousand. Of these, visions of this bill, have no stronger claims to pensions about twelve thousand reside in the ten States north of than all the citizens of the country who rendered service Maryland, and four thousand in the fourteen Southern and in the Revolution, the answer is at hand. It is intended, in Western States. The number of pensioners in Connecdue season, to extend the system to them also. When I ticut exceeds those in Virginia-and Rhode Island nearly urge the experience of the country under the act of 1818, equals South Carolina and Georgia. Assuming these as conclusive, to show the unjust operation of the system, data as the basis of our calculations, it would appear that, and the enormous charge created by it on the public trea- of the twenty millions paid to pensioners, about fifteen sury, I am told that though that act "ought never to have millions have gone North, and only five millions have been passed," yet this bill is necessary to carry out and extend expended in the South and West, and that three millions its principles. But there is one fact which speaks volumes out of every four hereafter to be applied to pensions, will on this subject. How comes it, that this spirit of grati- be expended north of the Potomac. Sir, although we tude for Revolutionary services should have slumbered for know that the Revolutionary services of the North did not fifty years? How has it happened that it has never been surpass those of the South, we never complained of this discovered until now, that the men who are to be em- inequality in the expenditure, so long as the pension sysbraced within the provisions of this bill are entitled to the tem was confined to the proper objects of national bounbounty of their country? Why is it, that, without a single ty. But when it degenerates into a mere scheme for the petition praying for such an addition to the pension system distribution of the public money, we have a right to comas this bill proposes, we should be seized with such a sud- plain of the gross inequality of the system. I will not say den and inveterate fit of gratitude to the old soldiers, that that it is the object of this bill to make a distribution of we seemed determined to seize them by force, and, taking the public revenue among the people on unjust and unno denial, to insist on their receiving our bounty, whether equal principles, but I will say that this will unquestionably they will or no? Sir, the reason is obvious. The period be its effect. for the final extinction of the public debt is at hand. Colonization has not yet been sanctioned; internal improve ment advances too slowly; the distribution of the revenue meets but small favor; the existence of a surplus must, by some means or other, be prevented; and this must be accomplished without any reduction of duties. The friends of the system have therefore gone forth upon the highways, and all are bidden to the feast." measure. I know, sir, that these are unpleasant topics of discussion; but the truth must be told; and, whether acceptable or not, it is my duty, standing here as one of the OFFICIAL STATEMENT OF PENSIONS.-A Statement showing the number of Pensioners on the rolls of the different agencies of the United States. Maine AGENCIES. Rhode Island There is another great object collateral to this, and having, I do verily believe, an important bearing on this Sir, it is not to be denied that this country is New Hampshire divided into two great parts, the paying and the receiving Massachusetts States, or, as they have been sometimes called, "the Plan tation States" and "the Tariff States;" the former paying by far the greater portion of the duties which supply the treasury, and the latter receiving nearly the whole amount expended by the Federal Government. The present system operates so as to lay the taxes chiefly on one portion of the country, and to expend them on another; and while, therefore, it is the interest of the former to diminish the expenditures, and to lessen the taxes, it is manifestly the policy of the latter to increase both. Cometicut No. of Invalid No. of Revolutionary Pensioners. East Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Missouri I do not know that a more striking illustration of the West Tennessee unequal action of this Government can be adduced, than Louisiana is furnished by the operation of the pension system. Sir, Indiana no one can doubt that the sacrifices and services, during Alabama the Revolution, of the Southern were in no respect infe- Michigan rior to those of the Northern States. In proportion to the Illinois extent of her population, South Carolina fought as hard Mississippi Pittsburg Agency and as long as any State in this Union, and suffered, per- District of Columbia haps, more. But when pensions came to be distributed, how did the account stand? I have before me official stateVOL. VI.-51 12,01 |