ly expedient to form a congress without delay, to be composed of all the deputies that should be sent by the houses of representatives or burgesses of the different colonies, to consult together respecting the present occurrences, and to form and transmit to England the remonstrances which might be deemed proper. It was decided, that this congress should be convoked in the city of New York, on the first Tuesday of October.

This was the first general congress held in the colonies since the commencement of the tumults; it served as a model to the other, which governed the affairs of America during the course of the war which broke out some time after. The other colonies addressed their acknowledgments to the province of Massachusetts, for its zeal in the common cause; and sent their deputies to the congress of New York a memorable example! The same councils which tended to establish a law by the divisions supposed to have resulted from the conflict of interests, produced, on the contrary, an universal combination against this law; and where it was expected to find general obedience, an unanimous resistance was encountered-a manifest proof, that where no powerful armies exist, to constrain the opinion of the people, all attempts to oppose it are fraught with danger. The rulers of free states ought to show themselves their administrators, rather than masters; they should be capable of guiding, without frequent use of the curb, or of the spur.

On Monday, the 7th of October, 1765, the delegates of the American provinces convened in the city of New York. The ballot being taken, and the votes examined, Timothy Ruggles was elected president. The congress, after a long preamble, full of the ordinary protestations of affection and loyalty towards the person of the king, and the English government, inserted a series of fourteen articles, which were but a confirmation of the rights claimed by the Americans, both as men and as subjects of the British crown, of which we have already made frequent mention; concluding with complaints of the restraints and impediments to their commerce, created by the late laws.

They afterwards drew up three petitions, or remonstrances, addressed to the king, to the lords in parliament, and to the house of commons. They enlarged upon the merits of the Americans, in having converted vast deserts, and uncultivated lands, into populous cities and fertile fields; inhospitable shores into safe and commodious ports; tribes of ignorant and inhuman savages into civilized and sociable nations, to whom they had communicated the know!edge of things, divine and human; and thus had greatly advanced the glory, power, and prosperity of the British nation.

'We have always enjoyed,' they said, 'the privileges of English subjects: to these we are indebted for the happy life we have led for so long a time. We cannot, we ought not, to renounce them; none has the right to tax us but ourselves. We have been aggrieved and injured, beyond measure, by the late commercial restrictions; but especially by the new and extraordinary act for imposing stamp duties. The peculiar circumstances of the colonies render it impossible to pay these duties; and, though it were possible, the payment would soon drain them of all their specie. The execution of these laws would, by reaction, become extremely detrimental to the commercial interest of Great Britain. The colonies owe an immensely heavy debt, as well to England for British manufactures, as to their own inhabitants, for advances made by them for the public service in the late war. It is evident, the more the commerce of the colonies is favored, the more also that of England is promoted and increased. In such a country as America, where the lands are extremely divided, and transfers of property very frequent, where a multiplicity of transactions take place every day, the stamp act is not only vexatious, but altogether insupportable; the house of commons cannot, at so great a distance, be acquainted with our wants or with our faculties; every one knows the distinction between the jurisdiction of parliament, in regulating the affairs of commerce in all parts of the empire, and colonial taxation; for the latter object, the provincial assemblies have been expressly instituted in the colonies, which would become altogether useless, if the parliament should arrogate the right of imposing taxes; the colonists have never obstructed, but have always promoted, to the extent of their power, the interests of the crown; they bear a filial affection towards the government and people of England; they love their opinions, their manners, their customs; they cherish the ancient relations, which unite them; they hope, therefore, that their humble representations will be heard; that their deplorable situation will be taken into a just consideration; that the acts which have oppressed their commerce and their property, with such grievances, will be repealed, or that the British government will otherwise relieve the American people, as in its wisdom and goodness shall seem mect.'

But, as if they feared being called to participate in the general representation in parliament, by sending their delegates also, they inserted in their petitions an assertion entirely new, which was, that, considering the remote situation, and other circumstances of the colonies, it would be impracticable that they should be otherwise represented, than by their provincial assemblies. Another of their complaints was directed against the clauses of the late laws, by which

the penalties and forfeitures, that might be incurred by the violation of the late regulations, and of the stamp act, were not to be decided, as in England, by the ordinary tribunals, but, at the election of the informer, by one of the courts of admiralty. Thus, they.affirmed, at the good pleasure of the first suborner, they were liable to be carried, for trial, from one end of the continent to the other; while, at the same time, they would be deprived of the right, so dear to all, of being tried by a jury; their fortunes, their characters, would be in the hands of a single judge.

The 24th of October, it was determined by congress, that the petitions should be preferred in England, with the requisite solicitations, by special agents, to be appointed for this purpose by the several provinces, and indemnified for all their expenses. The day following, having accomplished the objects for which it was convened, the congress dissolved itself.

The news of the disturbances excited in America, by the stamp act, being arrived in England, the minds of all were deeply but differently affected, according to their various opinions and interests.

The merchants, foreseeing that the sums they had lent the Americans could not be reimbursed, censured and detested the extraordinary law which had interrupted the ancient course of things. The greater part of them did not blame, but even appeared to approve the resolution taken by the Americans, to discontinue all remittances to England, persuaded that the new duties had deprived them of the means. The manufacturers, finding their orders diminished, and their business rapidly declining, were reduced to the greatest straits, and many to ruin. Some abandoned themselves to dejection and despondency, others manifested a lofty indignation at the excesses committed by the Americans. Disputations and controversies were without number. Pamphlets were daily published, written upon different, and even opposite principles. In some, the Americans were extravagantly extolled, and praised as the defenders of liberty, the destroyers of tyranny, the protectors and supporters of all that is dear to man upon earth; in others, they were acrimoniously accused of ingratitude, avarice, turbulence, suspicion, and finally, of rebellion.

Those who in parliament, or elsewhere, had promoted the late laws, were disposed to employ force, and constrain the obedience of the Americans at all hazards; and to inflict condign punishment upon the authors of such enormities. Those, on the contrary, who had opposed the act, declared for more lenient measures; they affirmed, that all other means should be tried before resorting to force; that an attempt should first be made to soothe the minds of the colo

nists, as it was never too late to employ coercion; that the signal of civil war once given, the first blood once shed, it was impossible to foresee the consequences, or the termination of the contest.

It was believed, at the time, that lord Bute, who had the king's entire confidence, and, concealed behind the scenes, was the prompter of all, had strongly advised to trample down all obstacles, and to use the promptest means to subdue all opposition. The gentlemen of the royal household, who in their ambrosial life are ignorant of human miseries, would have winged the dispatches to America with fire and sword. The members of the episcopal clergy itself, forgetting the clemency of their character, professed the same sentiments; perhaps they already imagined that the Americans being reduced to submission, and the petulance, as they said, of their spirits Drought under the curb, to prevent the return of similar disorders, it would be determined to introduce in the colonies the English hierarchy. It was also known that the king was inclined to enforce the execution of the stamp act, but that if this could not be effected without bloodshed, he wished its repeal.

Meanwhile, the ministry, who had been the authors of the restraints imposed on American commerce, and of the stamp act, had received their dismission. In appearance, and perhaps in reality, this change took place on account of the coldness with which they had proposed and supported the regency bill, before the two houses of parliament; such at least was the general opinion; but it is not improbable that it was occasioned by the alarming commotions raised in England by the silk-weavers, who complained of the declension of their manufacture; the cause of which was imputed, by some, to the introduction of an unusual quantity of foreign silks, and particularly those of France, but the real or principal cause, was the diminution of purchases for American account. Perhaps, also, the government already suspected, or was apprised of the tumults in America. But it was given out and circulated with much industry, that the change of ministry ought to be attributed solely to the statute of regency. The government thus sheltered itself from the blame incurred by the new direction given to the affairs of America, and left the people at liberty to throw it upon the late ministry. For it is a salutary principle of the English constitution, that when, in consequence of a false or unfortunate measure, the state is menaced with serious dangers, (as this measure could not, however, be renounced without prejudice to the dignity of government,) some occasion of a nature quite foreign, is eagerly sought as a pretext for dismissing the ministers. Then, without other accusation, the censure attaches to them; the affair is again brought under deliberation, and the plan of conduct

is entirely changed. Thus it is seen, that what, in other governments, where the sovereign is absolute, could only be obtained by his abdication, or otherwise would expose the state to the most disastrous events, and perhaps total ruin, is easily obtained in England, by a simple change of ministers. In this manner the wishes of the nation are gratified without impairing the dignity of the throne, or the security of the state. But, as in all human things evil is always mingled with good, this procedure has also its inconveniences, and the new ministers are placed in a situation full of embarrassment; for to march in a direction altogether opposite to that of their predecessors, would be giving a complete triumph to the factious, to in surgents, to enemies, domestic or foreign, and would tend to animate them with new audacity. On the other hand, to follow tamely the same track, would be continuing in evil, and doing precisely that which it is desired to avoid. It happens, therefore, too often, that the new ministers are obliged to pursue a certain middle course, which rarely leads to any desirable end; a remarkable example of which is exhibited in the history of the events we retrace.

The

The marquis of Rockingham, one of the wealthiest noblemen of the kingdom, and much esteemed by all for the vigor of his genius, and especially for the sincerity of his character, was appointed first lord of the treasury, in the room of George Grenville; the other departments of the ministry passed from the friends of the latter to the friends of the former. The greater part were, or at least pro fessed to be, friendly to the American cause. One of them, general Conway, had been appointed secretary of state for the colonies; and no choice could have been more agreeable to the Americans. new ministers soon turned their attention to the state of the colonies, which they resolved to meliorate, by procuring the abrogation of the laws which had caused such bitter complaints, and particularly of the stamp act. But this they could not do at present, without a great prejudice to the dignity of government; it was also necessary to wait for the regular meeting of parliament, which is usually convened at the close of the year; finally it was requisite to take, at least in appearance, sufficient time to acquaint themselves thoroughly with the state of affairs in America, and to weigh them with much deliberation, in order to lay them before parliament with all due precision and illustrations. They endeavored in the mean time to soothe the minds of the Americans, and bring them back to reason, by pruning from the odious acts all the conditions that could be removed by an extreme laxity of interpretation; by speaking, in their correspondence with the governors of the colonies, with great indulgence of the American disturbances; and by encourag