surprised to hear this implicit confidence urged by a member, who, on all occasions, had inculcated so strongly the political depravity of men, and the necessity of checking one vice and interest by opposing them to another vice and interest. If the representatives of the people would be bound by the ties he had mentioned, what need was there of a Senate, what of a revisionary power? But his reasoning was not only inconsistent with his former reasoning, but with itself. At the same time that he recommended this implicit confidence to the Southern States, in the Northern majority, he was still more zealous in exhorting all to a jealousy of a Western majority. To reconcile the gentleman with himself, it must be imagined that he determined the human character by the points of the compass. The truth was, that all men, having power, ought to be distrusted to a certain degree." This reveals the principle of Mr. Madison's political philosophy. He appears to have thought that no section could be safely entrusted with the power to dominate over another section. Certainly, it is not to be inferred that he was willing to trust a Northern majority with a dominion over the South. He was opposed to any discrimination against the equality of the New States, as it did not appear that they would be divided by any peculiar interest from the other States.

Mr. Rutledge's motion was lost. On the question on the first clause of Mr. Williamson's motion, as to taking a census of the free inhabitants, it passed in the affirmative. The next clause, as to three-fifths of the negroes, being considered

"Mr. KING, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. He thought the admission of them along with the whites at all, would excite great discontents among the States having no slaves. He had never said, as to any particular point, that he would, in no event, acquiesce in and support it; but he would say, that if, in any case, such a declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this. He remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives, made by the com

mittee, the Southern States had received more than the number of their white, and three-fifths of their black, inhabitants entitled them to.

"Mr. SHERMAN.-South Carolina had not more beyond her proportion than New York and New Hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary for them to avoid factions, or reducing them below their proportion. Georgia had more ; but the rapid growth of that State seemed to justify it. In general, the allotment might not be just, but, considering all the circumstances, he was satisfied with it.

"Mr. GORIAM supported the propriety of establishing numbers as the rule. He said that, in Massachusetts, estimates had been taken in the different towns, and that persons had been curious enough to compare these estimates with the respective numbers of people; and it had been found, even including Boston, that the most exact proportion prevailed between numbers and property. He was aware that there might be some weight in what had fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by the people of the Eastern States. But he recollected, that when the proposition of Congress for changing the eighth article of the Confederation was before the legislature of Massachusetts, the only difficulty then was to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in the ratio of three-fifths only.

"Mr. WILSON did not see on what principle the admission of blacks, in the proportion of three-fifths, could be explained. Are they admitted as citizens-then why are they not admitted on an equality with white citizens? Are they admitted as property-then why not other property admitted into the computation ? These were difficulties, however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of compromise. He had some apprehensions, also, from the tendency of the blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people of Pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (Mr. Gouverneur Morris), but he differed from him in think

ing the number of inhabitants so incorrect a measure of wealth. He had seen the western settlements of Pennsylvania, and, on a comparison of them with the city of Philadelphia, could discover little other difference, than that property was more unequally divided here than there. Taking the same number in the aggregate of the two situations, he believed there would be little difference in their wealth and ability to contribute to the public wants.

“Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was compelled to declare himself reduced to the dilemma of doing injustice to the Southern States or to human nature; he must, therefore, do it to the former. For he could never agree to give such encouragement to the slave trade as would be given by allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not believe these States would ever confederate on terms that would deprive them of that trade."

On the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the blacks, Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye—4; Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, South Carolina, no-6. On the question for taking the census, "the first year after the meeting of the legislature," the proposition passed in the affirmative. It is to be observed, in the foregoing vote, that South Carolina voted against the three-fifths ratio, on account of her preference for a full representation of slaves. And "Mr. Carroll explained the vote of Maryland, on the ground that her delegation objected to its phraseology."

It is to be observed in this debate, that Mr. Wilson avowedly accepted the three-fifths ratio as a compromise; and that Mr. Morris objected to it, on the ground of the encouragement it would give to the slave trade-thereby establishing a direct connection between the basis of representation and the importation of slaves. It will be remarked, likewise, that Mr. Wilson pointed out the impropriety of admitting slaves into the basis as property, without, at the same time, including other species of property.

From the period of the rejection of Mr. Williamson's substitute for Mr. Randolph's proposition, the war of sections burst forth in its greatest violence-a war which was not composed until the restoration of the compromise by a full and conclusive vote of the Convention. The next succeeding debate turned upon the sectional issue; and then the sectional collision was fiercest.

On Thursday, the twelfth of July, the struggle again began. "In Convention, Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved to add to the clause empowering the legislature to vary the representation according to the principles of wealth and numbers of inhabitants, a proviso, 'that taxation shall be in proportion to representation.

“Mr. BUTLER contended again, that representation should be according to the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks; admitting the justice of Mr. Gouverneur Morris' motion.

“Mr. MASON also admitted the justice of the principle, but was afraid embarrassments might be occasioned to the legislature by it. It might drive the legislature to the plan of requisitions.

“Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS admitted that some objection lay against his motion, but supposed they would be removed by restraining the rule to direct taxation. With regard to indirect taxes on exports and imports, and on consumption, the rule would be inapplicable.

"Gen. PINCKNEY liked the idea. He thought it so just, that it could not be objected to; but foresaw that if the revision of the census was left to the discretion of the legislature, it would never be carried into execution. The rule must be fixed, and the execution of it enforced, by the Constitution. He was alarmed at what was said yesterday concerning the negroes. He was now again alarmed at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. South Carolina has, in one year, exported to the amount of six hundred thousand pounds sterling, all of which was the fruit of the labor of her

blacks. Will she be represented in proportion to this amount? She will not. Neither ought she then to be subject to a tax on it. He hoped a clause would be inserted in the system, restraining the legislature from taxing exports.

"Mr. WILSON approved the principle, but could not see how it could be carried into execution, unless restrained to direct taxation.

"Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS having so varied his motion, by inserting the word 'direct,' it passed nem. con., as follows: 'provided always that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation.'

"Mr. DAVIS said it was high time now to speak out. He saw that it was meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of representation for their blacks. He was sure that North Carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate them, at least, as three-fifths. If the Eastern States meant, therefore, to exclude them altogether, the business was at an end.

"Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. It had been said that it was. high time to speak out. As one member, he would candidly do so. He came here to form a compact for the good of America. He was ready to do so with all the States. He hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such a compact. If they would not, he was ready to join with any States that would. But, as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the Eastern States to insist on what the Southern

States will never agree to. It is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other States can never admit; and he verily believed the people of Pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. What can be desired of these States more than has been already proposed-that the legislature shall, from time to time, regulate representation according to population and wealth.

"Gen. PINCKNEY desired that the rule of wealth should be ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature; and that property in slaves should not be exposed to danger,