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"to believe and know that the Christian art is not merely verbal, but of faith which worketh by love; with which ye being once endowed, shall not need demonstrations by arguments, but shall deem these words of Anthony sufficient to lead you to the faith of Christ."

The evangelical reader will see here something better than mere monasticism. But he sullied all this by a foolish attempt to make mankind believe, that he lived without food, while he ate in secret; and by a vain parade of conversation concerning temperance, which savoured more of Pythagorean fanaticism than of Christian piety. In his extreme old age he gave particular directions, that his body should be interred, not preserved in a house after the Egyptian manner of honouring deceased saints and martyrs, and charged his two attendants to let no man know the place of his burial. "At the resurrection t of the dead I shall receive my body," says he, "from the Saviour incorruptible." He guarded his friends against the Arian heresy, and bade them not be disturbed, though the judicial power, an imaginary fading domination, should be against them. "Do ye observe what ye have received from the fathers, and particularly the pious faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, which ye have heard from the Scriptures, and of which I have often reminded you. Divide my clothes in this manner: Give one of my sheep-skins to the bishop Athanasius, together with the garment which I received from him when new, and now return him when old. And give the other sheepskin to Serapion the bishop. The sackcloth keep for yourselves," says he to his two attendants. "Farewell, children, Anthony is going, and is no more with you." He stretched out his feet, and appearing pleased at the sight of his friends coming to him, he expired with evident marks of cheerfulness on his face. His last will was punctually executed. Such was the death of this father of monasticism: the account is taken wholly from his Life by Athanasius, and is a monument of the genuine piety and deep superstition both of the monk and his biographer. Such

* [Ibid. p. 496, D.]

↑ Possibly the attentive reader may observe, without my mentioning it, that I have seen, on a closer inspection, reason to think better of Anthony, than from the short account of him in p. 450, one might seem to conclude. [Ibid. p. 503, C.] § [Ibid. p. 502, A.] [Ibid. p. 503, C.]

was the state of godliness in those times, existing obscure in hermitages; while abroad in the world the Gospel was almost buried in faction and ambition; yet probably in ordinary life it thrived the best in some instances, though quite unknown.

By the assistance of Fleury, it would be easy to enlarge the history of men of this sort. There were others of great monastic renown in the time of Anthony. But their narratives, if true, are neither entertaining nor instructive, and a great part of them at least is stuffed with extravagant fables. Let us turn to other objects. At the time when the bishops were travelling to the council of Nice, [Leontius,] bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, in his way thither, arrived at a small town called Nazianzum in Cappadocia. There he met with Gregory, afterwards bishop of Nazianzum, who applied for baptism. This man had led a life of great moral strictness, belonging to a particular sect, who observed the Sabbath and a distinction of meats like the Jews. His wife Nonna was an exemplary Christian, and was very instrumental in her husband's conversion. There is reason to hope it was a conversion from self-righteous pride to the humble faith of Jesus. [Leontius] instructed him : he received baptism, and some years afterwards, was made bishop of the place, and remained in that office forty-five years, to an extreme old age. Though advanced in years, when he applied himself to Christian learning, he acquired a just discernment, preserved his flock from the spreading infection of Arianism, and mollified the manners of the barbarous people. Possibly the memoirs of his pastoral labours, if we had them, might be found more instructive than most of the subjects which engage our attention in this period. Gregory's episcopal character commenced about the year 328. And this tribute seemed due to his memory and to that of his wife, not only on their own accounts, but also because they were the parents of the famous Gregory of Nazianzum, who in an oration celebrates their piety.

If we look to the situation of the ancient heretics, we find them in a dwindling state. The followers of Marcion, Valentinian, and the rest, still subsisted indeed, and an edict† of Constantine forbade their assembling together. Under this [Greg. Naz. Orat. 19. tom. 1. p. 289–295.] + [Soz. ii. c. 32.]

act of Uniformity the Novatians were condemned also. Thus the best of the Dissenters were not permitted to worship in their own way, while the Donatists, the worst, were in a manner tolerated. But in vain do we look either for wisdom or equity in the ecclesiastical proceedings of Constantine or any of his family in general. Two only of the persecuted sects, the Meletians and the Donatists, were not mentioned in the edict, as far as one can judge, and, in consequence of this omission, they subsisted, and weathered the force of the decree. The old heresies were crushed, while the enthusiastic Montanists maintained their hold in their native Phrygia, and the Novatians remained still numerous, retaining narrow views of church discipline, and with these a considerable strictness of manners, and it is hoped, the good influence of the Divine Spirit. But we want better materials for the history of this people.

At the very time when Athanasius was persecuted at Tyre, and was thought unworthy to live at Alexandria, the bishops were employed also in dedicating the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. Its magnificence was a monument of the ostentatious superstition of Constantine. It is foreign to our design to describe its expensive pomp. On this occasion, Jerusalem, which from the time of Adrian had been called Ælia,† recovered its name, became the resort of Christian pilgrims, was vainly represented by some as the new Jerusalem described by the prophets, and was held in great veneration by sermons, acts of liberality, and panegyrics on the emperor. In these things the historian Eusebius was signally distinguished. Here Arius was received; and thus that Scripture was fulfilled concerning the hypocrisy of professors of religion in the Christian times," Your brethren that hated you, and cast you out for my name's sake, said, Let the Lord be glorified."§ The enmity against real godliness was varnished with a parade of external piety; pomp supplied the room of sincerity, and formality usurped the place of spiritual understanding. Not long before his death, Constantine wrote to Anthony the monk, and begged an answer. an answer. The reflection which he made on the occasion showed at once his ignorance of secu*[Socrat. i. c. 33.] + Elia Capitolina, beccuse rebuilt by Ælius Adrianus. § Isaiah lxvi. 5.

Fleury, b. xi. 54.

*

lar affairs, and his knowledge of divine things. Be not astonished, says he, if an emperor writes to us. He is but a man rather be astonished, that God should write a book for man, and deliver it to us by his own Son. He answered the emperor, desiring him not to esteem present things, to think of the future judgment, to remember that Jesus Christ is the true and eternal king; to be merciful, to do justice, and particularly to take care of the poor.

Under Constantius an attempt was made to re-unite the Donatists to the general church.t The consequence was, that a number were formally recovered to it. The body of them remained, what they always were, an unworthy people, and they had among them a sort of wild licentious persons called Circumcelliones, who were very violent and ferocious in their conduct.

CHAP. VI.

THE EXTENSION OF THE GOSPEL, FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE CENTURY, TO THE DEATH OF CONSTANTIUS.

THIS should be the favourite object of a Christian historian, and glad should I be to answer the most sanguine wishes of the evangelical reader. But the period before us is far more fruitful in ecclesiastical contentions, than remarkable for the extension of Christianity itself; and even the account which we have of the trophies of the Redeemer's death and resurrection, in the barbarous countries, is too mean and defective, to satisfy the laudable curiosity of those who love the progress of vital religion.

About the beginning of the century, a Tyrian philosopher, named Meropius, possessed of the spirit of travelling, explored the interior parts of India. He took with him two boys, his relations, who understood the Greek tongue. Arriving at a certain harbour, the natives murdered the whole [Athan. in vit. Anton. tom. 2. p. 497.]

*

+ [Basnage Hist. de l'Eglise, 1. 4. c. 4. § 10.]

I follow the narrative of Socrates, b. 1. c. 19. But what he calls India, seems to have been the kingdom of Abyssinia, which at this day calls itself Christian, and glories in the evangelical labours of its first bishop Frumentius; though it appears, from the account of Bruce, in his voyage to discover the source of the Nile, to have long remained in the deepest ignorance and vice.

company, except the two boys, who were presented to the king, and finding favour in his eyes, were promoted in his court. Upon the king's death, the queen dowager engaged them to superintend the affairs of the realm, and the education of the young prince. Their names were Ædesius and Frumentius. But the latter was prime minister.* The man, however, had his eyes fixed on higher objects than the politics of the country. [He made it his business to find out the Roman Merchants who resided in the country, and to learn whether any of them were Christians.] Having discovered some [and having told them who he was,] he encouraged them to associate for the purposes of religious worship, and at length erected a church for their use, and certain natives, [being] instructed in the Gospel, were converted to the faith. On the king's accession to the administration, Frumentius desired leave to return to his own country, which both the king and his mother were very reluctant to allow. He left the country, however, with Ædesius. The latter returned to his relations at Tyre, while Frumentius, arriving at Alexandria, communicated his adventures to Athanasius the bishop, and informed him of the probability of evangelizing the country, if missionaries were sent thither. On mature consideration, Athanasius told him, that none was so fit for the office as himself. He consecrated him therefore the first bishop of the Indians; and this active missionary, returning to a country where his integrity and capacity had already been distinguished, preached the Gospel with much success, and erected many churches. Thus was the Gospel planted in a barbarous kingdom, where the extreme ignorance of the natives would much facilitate its external progress at least, under the episcopal labours of a man, who had educated their sovereign; then at least, most probably, there were many real conversions, and a time of copious effusion of the Spirit of God. And the difficulty

* Bruce would call him the RAS. The whole story carries a strong air of probability, from the resemblance of the customs in this Indian kingdom to those of Abyssinia; which seems to confirm the conjecture, that the India of Socrates was Abyssinia.

+ The absolute despotism of the Abyssinian princes, and the probability that the Sovereign before us received Christianity, would account for the establishment of the Gospel through the whole country. And the inaccessible situation and profound ignorance of Abyssinia, will account for the continuance of nominal Christianity to this day.

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