the abolition of the slave trade was first seriously proposed that which is going on in the United States is the most important. It surpasses every thing which has yet occurred. No sooner had your Colony been established on Cape Montserado, than there appeared a disposition among the owners of slaves to give them freedom voluntarily and without compensation, and to allow them to be sent to the land of their Fathers, so that you have many thousands redeemed, without any cost for their redemption. To me this is truly astonishing. Can this have taken place without the intervention of the spirit of God?"* The Managers rejoice that Liberia is becoming an object of interest to other nations.Nor can they doubt that when its character, the purposes for which it was founded, and which it promises to fulfil, shall be understood, it will command the sympathies, and respect of the civilized world.

Some of the more prominent objections urged against the Society may deserve a brief notice. They may be all embraced in the three following:

First: That the Society is wrong in its motives.

Second: That it pursues a bad end; or uses means unjustifiable in accomplishing its end.

Mr. Wilberforce expressed himself in a note to Mr. Cresson, in the following terms: "You have gladdened my heart by convincing me, that sanguine as had been my hopes of the happy effects to be produced by your Institution, all my anticipations are scanty and cold compared with the reality. This may truly be deemed a pledge of the Divine favor, and believe me, no Briton, I had almost said no American can take a livelier interest than myself, in your true greatness and glory.While I am writing, a passage in Scripture occurs to me, which I have often read, but never so well understood, at least never so strikingly felt as now. In speaking of that new world in which it is said there shall be no more sorrow or pain, it is added, 'And there shall be no more sea.' May I not be permitted to apply this to the anticipation of that blessed period, when the Atlantic shall no more separate the two greatest depositories the earth contains of Christian principles and practice.— To my feelings we are already one-I can truly say even now, 'There is no more sea. May the mutual attachment of the inhabitants of our two countries, become stronger and stronger, however diversified in body, having but one soul, and almost anticipating that better world, where all divisions being forever done away, all shall unite in one song of thanksgiving, and peace and love and joy shall be complete and everlasting."

Third:-That the plan proposed by the Society is impracti

cable.

First: It is said that motives of selfishness gave existence to the Society, and have sustained it. But will any virtuous man who is acquainted with the characters of those who united in laying the foundations of this Society, bring against them the charge, not of selfishness only, but of hypocrisy, in professing to be actuated by motives to which they were strangers? Or will any such man presume to denounce as hypocritical and selfish, the great community of patriotic and religious citizens of every class, denomination, and State in this Union, who are now contributing to the support of the Society? To what selfish motive can the liberal donations annually made to the Society, by numerous individuals and churches in the Middle and Northern States be ascribed? Little, if at all afflicted with the evil of a coloured population, they generously bring their offerings to aid the cause of this Institution; nor can their conduct be explained but by admitting that it results from motives the most pure, the most disinterested. He, then, who urges this objection, casts reproach upon many of the honoured dead, and upon more of the wise and pious living. He accuses hundreds, yea, thousands of patriotic and christian men, of falsehood, hypocrisy, selfishness and meanness. Proof to support his accusations he has none, and must be left to answer for his uncharitableness and presumption before the tribunal of that public which he so causelessly condemns.

The second objection is, that the Society proposes a bað end, and uses improper and unworthy means. To this the Board reply, that if it be true, that our free coloured population are degraded and unhappy, that their residence amongst us is attended by evil consequences to society, that causes beyond the control of the human will must prevent their ever rising to equality with the whites; that in Africa they may possess the privileges and freedom of the most favoured people; not only be happy, but useful; elevate the

character of their race, and impart civilization and christianity to the immense multitudes of that land; suppress the slave trade; change a continent, now morally a desert, into a fruitful field, and establish and perpetuate liberty and religion, where error and superstition have for centuries darkened and debased humanity: if these be facts, no end surely can be more beneficent than that proposed by the Society. In regard to the deplorable condition of the free people of colour in this country, and the sad consequences to themselves and to society, resulting from the peculiarity of their circumstances, there is believed to be but one opinion. Nothing can be plainer than that they labour under great disadvantages, that they are mostly uneducated, poor, and without those moral restraints which self-respect, concern for reputation, and the hope and prospect of improvement, impose upon other classes of the community. We know there are exceptions to this remark, that there are examples of intellectual and moral worth, and that not a few of them are by profession and practice, Christians. Yet the Managers consider it clear that causes exist, and are operating to prevent their improvement and elevation to any considerable extent as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not only beyond the control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power. Christianity cannot do for them here, what it will do for them in Africa. This is not the fault of the coloured man, nor of the white man, nor of Christianity; but an ordination of Providence, and no more to be changed than the laws of nature. Yet, were it otherwise, did no cause exist but prejudice, to prevent the elevation, in this country, of our free coloured population, still, were this prejudice so strong (which is indeed the fact) as to forbid the hope of any great favourable change in their condition, what folly for them to reject blessings. in another land, because it is prejudice which debars them from such blessings in this. But in truth no legislation, no humanity, no benevolence can make them insensible to their past condition, can unfetter their minds, can relieve them

from the disadvantages resulting from inferior means and attainments, can abridge the right of freemen to regulats their social intercourse and relations, which will leave them forever a separate and depressed class in the community; in fine, nothing can in any way do much here to raise them from their miseries to respectability, honour and usefulness. What more unkind, then, than to excite hopes in their minds, never to be realized; what more cruel than to induce them to forego the rich inheritance opening before them and their children, in Africa, for rights and privileges in this land, which they can never attain, and which, if they could, would to them be nearly worthless. The experiment of the Society has fully proved that the free people of colour colonized in Africa, feel the influence of all those motives which tend to give activity, strength and dignity to the human mind; that they find themselves in the best school for discipline, invention and improvement; in the possession of means of wealth, honour and usefulness; that they can aid to suppress the slave trade, and to enlighten and bless their long afflicted African brethren; that standing alone and unshackled, they look abroad upon a country ample and fertile, and offering to their industry and enterprise its unnumbered products and resources, and realize that to them it belongs to cover a continent with civilized institutions and the temples of God.

The plan of the Society, however, is not only beneficent in its effects upon the free people of colour, and through them upon Africa, but in its prosecution a moral influence is exerted, to which it would seem impossible for any one to object, favourable to the voluntary and gradual emancipation and removal of the slaves. One of the most frequently urged, yet most groundless objections, then, to the Society, that it strengthens the bonds and darkens the prospects of the slave population, is refuted by facts, numerous and undeniable. Many who were recently slaves in the United States, have been sent by their masters as freemen to Liberia. Large numbers are now offered to the Society, (not *See Captain Abels' Letter in the Appendix.

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the aged, infirm, and worthless, but the young, vigorous and profitable,) and funds alone are wanting to enable it to receive and transport them. On this point the Managers are happy to cite the opinion of the venerable James Madison, as expressed in a recent letter. Many circumstances," he observes, "at the present moment, seem to concur in brightening the prospects of the Society, and cherishing the hope that the time will come when the dreadful calamity which has so long afflicted our country, and filled so many with despair, will be gradually removed, and by means consistent with justice, peace, and the general satisfaction; thus giving to our country the full enjoyment of the blessings of liberty and the full benefit of its great example. I never considered the main difficulty of the great work as lying in the deficiency of emancipations, but in the inadequacy of the asylums for such a growing mass of population, and in the great expense of removing it to its new home. The spirit of private manumission, as the laws may permit, and the exiles may consent, is increasing, and will increase, and there are sufficient indications that the public authorities, in slave-holding states, are looking forward to interpositions in different forms that must have a powerful effect."

The Managers believe it is admitted by all enlightened men, that a separation of the coloured population from amongst us, provided it be for their benefit, and effected with satisfaction to all parties concerned, is desirable.— They know not that any one doubts that on these conditions their removal would contribute to the welfare of our country. Every one must perceive that a society in which all the members are equal in their social and political privileges and rights, is preferable to that wherein classes are divided by a physical distinction that renders such equality impossible. The object or end proposed by this Society then, in whatever light we view it, appears most beneficent. The design has been well said to be a "Circle of Philanthropy, every segment of which tells and testifies to the beneficence of the whole."