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in the Licenser's (as to Licensing): for if the "Author of any Sheete, Booke, or Treatise, writ "not to please the fancy and come within the

compass of the Licenser's judgment, then he is "not to receive any stamp of authority for pub"lishing thereof."

A Committee of the Council of State being satisfied with these and other reasons of M. Mabbot, concerning Licensing, the Council of State reports to the House; upon which the House ordered, "That the said M. Mabbot should be discharged " of licensing Books for the future*."

But though the AREOPAGITICA breathies throughout that noble spirit of free Enquiry and civil Liberty which is entirely worthy of the mighty mind of MILTON, I am aware that a change of time, of politics, and even of manners, may make some part of it not appear so applicable to this as it was to the last century. We know that the aspect of the times is always varying; and that revolving ages carry along with them fashions in Literature as well as in dress:

Manners with fortunes, humours turn with climes,
Tenets with Books, and principles with times.

* Parliamentary Register, 1649.

The quaint and formal Literature of Elizabeth's days has been known to be despised by the graver and more uncouth scholastic Learning of the first Charles's reign; which again, in its turn, has been treated with the utmost contempt by the airy and classical wits of Charles the Second's Court. But though part of MILTON's reasoning may appear obsolete, and part unnecessary, still enough will remain behind to convince the unprejudiced and impartial Reader. However, as some new reasons have been offered by the advocates of the Imprimatur in favour of it, and lest even a cranny should be left for a Minister to escape through, I beg the Reader's attention for a few moments longer, whilst I cursorily examine the reasons they have urged in defence of so despotic a measure.

"First (say they), this unrestrained Liberty of "the Press is dangerous to Religion." Indeed! my Lords of the Treasury !-But this conscientious obstacle comes with a double grace from the opposers of the Clerical Petition. Are ye at last become the gracious guardians of those principles which in your hearts ye despise? or has the Spirit at length beamed in light upon Souls where light never shone before? For shame! my Lords;

will ye never forsake inconsistence?

Dæmons

have trembled, and Jews have been converted; but when the cause of Religion is echoed from the' Treasury-Bench, Perfidy is at hand, and we ought to look about us. But, seriously, wherein is the danger to Religion? Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Conscience have always gone hand in hand; and while these two blessings remain free and unrestrained, Religion will never withdraw her beams, or diminish in her lustre. We have heard indeed-our ancestors felt it, and one half of Europe still feels it- We have heard, that in countries where every new Book must be stamped with an Imprimatur, the severest despotism and the darkest ignorance unite to involve the wretched inhabitants in slavery and error; but it is a doctrine equally strange as new, that liberal sentiment and free enquiry should check Devotion, or extinguish the flame of Religion and Virtue. This argument is important and extensive enough to fill many pages with a discussion of it; but as MILTON has treated of it with the true spirit of historical disquisition, I refer the Reader to his observations, which he will find in their proper place.

Secondly, it is dangerous to Government."

There is a nakedness in this assertion which detects itself. It is not dangerous to Government. On the contrary, an unlicensed Press is the guardian of Freedom and of the Constitution. I appeal to the opinions of Legislators, to the page of History, to the experience of ages. It will not avail them to adduce the continual dissatisfaction of the People with the servants of Government, as a proof of the evil tendency of unlicensed Printing: this, indeed, is the only security of the State. The British Government, established with wonderful judgment on the basis of two opposing systems, the Republican and the Monarchical, must always derive the security of its existence from an equal exertion of these powers for the good of the whole. There is an equality, a precision, a watchfulness, which must be preserved between them, on which the public safety entirely depends. They must be always jealous of each other, or they are undone. Hence it is, that they live in continual opposition; hence, that civil dissention is the faithful guardian of civil Liberty; hence, that the Constitution of Britain, like the boisterous element that surrounds the Isle, must live in tempest, or not live at all. But the kingly branch of the State, having all the

executive power in their own hands, have the most frequent, the most easy opportunities of encroaching on the Republican; which they in their turn must check. Now, how is this to be done? The former, commodiously seated within the circumference of a single room, whether in Council or in Cabinet, can consult in a firm and undivided body how to extend the interests of Tyranny, or to do the business of Corruption but the case is otherwise with the People.-Dispersed over all the kingdom, as their property or their interest leads them; and separated from consulting each other by unsurmountable obstacles, when a blow is aimed at their Laws, or an insult at their Liberties, what means of information or redress have they? None, but the PRESS. This, and this only, is the bright star of the People. This is the great national trumpet, which rouzes the kingdom from end to end, from side to side. This is the mighty thunderbolt of the People, which hurls its fury on a Minister's head, or can make a guilty throne tremble to the centre. I am imprudent in my zeal. While I am writing the panegyric of the Free Press, I am in fact reciting those advantages which make it obnoxious to its enemies.

But

When the public interest is betrayed by crafty

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