frequent correspondence by letters, and I find she takes all occasions to shew favour and confidence to men of his character. I have had of late the honour of being for some time alone with his grace, and as he was pleased to talk of matters relating to Ireland, so I think myself particularly obliged to mention what he spoke relating to the Test, your grace being the best able and most willing to do service to the Church in that matter. I find great care has been taken to give him wrong impressions of that affair, namely, that it was forced on the nation, and imposed but lately, that they have ever since been uneasy under it, that all methods must be taken to encrease the force of Protestants and make the King's freinds easy, but above all that the House of Commons must not be disobliged, who have unanimously desired it; this last I find cheifly insisted on, tho' your grace knows but for a sudden terrour artfully raised, it was not their desire; to all these I mentioned what I thought proper to urge, but lay it before your grace who are perfectly master of this important question; I find there are thoughts here of qualifying the bill by making it for three years only, and some such like softnings, but I must own I should answer like King Charles the first, no, not for an hour, for if ever it goes it is gone for ever. Your grace will excuse this freedome in a matter that so nearly concernes our happy establishment, for now our succession is secured, nothing can so nearly import the peace and happiness of our kingdome in the humble opinion of My most Hon", y' Grace's I have the honour of your grace's of the 24 inst., and can now informe you that our ceremonial is setled, and Friday in next week appointed for our day. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Ld Chancellour are ready for their parts, a very full compliment prepared by the Provost, of which Mr. Molyneux has the copy to shew the Prince, to prepare a proper answer, an entertainment ordered at Somerset House, to which all the Irish gentlemen that attend the compliment are to be desired, and there are about forty or fifty now in towne. The Provost took hold of his grace's opinion that the speech would do well in mother tongue, so that matter could not be insisted on; his grace also advised our getting scarlet gownes, which are accordingly prepared. I am highly pleased with your grace's approbation of our conduct hitherto, and hope we shall still continue to preserve it. Besides his grace of Canterbury the Bishops of Norwich, Oxford, and our new one of Meath, enquired for your grace with great regard, and present their humble respects to you; they ask many things relating to Ireland, and I hope I have had some times an opportunity of informing them right. The repeal of the Triennial Act is now the subject of all conversation, some very much allarm'd, and every body thinking it a matter of great consequence; the attempting the test in Ireland is generally thought a very unskilfull step, even by those that don't think it a wicked one; but I am persuaded if it is stood steadily against it will fall, and your grace compleat your merits to the Church of Ireland. Ld Sunderland has declined seeing us together; but I find he will be glad to see me alone. I beleive steady councils are right; but I question wheither such severe ones are for the publick service. Mr. Molyneux is somewhat piqued at his obstinacy in this affair, and assures us that his advice has not been listned too in our business, for I have some reason to think the prince was advised to coldness at least, if not neglect; but he was pleased to be more graciously inclined, and has declared all signs of approbation. I am much concerned to find y' grace is still out of order; but hope the spring will restore a health so dear to all that have the honour of being known to you, and so useful to the publick, which is the constant prayer of Y' grace's most obedient son and obliged humble servant, My most Hond Lord, 3. ROB. HOWARD. In my last I acquainted your grace how our ceremonial was setled, I beg leave now to give you an account how well it was executed to our honour and satisfaction. Wee gave notice to the Irish gentlemen, who appeared at Court in great numbers: his grace of Canterbury introduced us to the Prince with a short but very kind speech, and then the Provost spoke very well and fully*: it went of extreamly well, and he has been much complimented upon it; the Prince looked very much pleased, and accepted our offer in a very gracious manner, the wordes I shan't mention, because Mr. Molyneux tells me he has sent them to your Grace: Mr. Molyneux read the diploma, the lord chancellour gave the oath, he was then admitted, and wee kissed his hand. Wee were afterwards introduced to the Princess, who received us in the most gracious manner; she said she thought herself very happy in the University's of Dublin having done the Prince the honour to choose him their chancellour, and she was persuaded he would always have a very great regard for every member of that body who had expressed their duty in so loyal and acceptable a manner. Wee afterwards went to Somerset House, where wee were very nobly entertained, the Speaker of the Commons, who is the Prince's treasurer, doing the honours of the table, and afterwards inviting us to dinner at his own house. Your grace will excuse my being so particular; but wee are to be introduced to-morrow to the King, his grace of Canterbury still doing us that honour, and then Mr. Molyneux will carry us to returne our compliment of thanks to all the great men whom wee have troubled on this occasion. Every thing has gone on extreamly well, and as I hope wee have obeyed your grace's directions, so I must still give you the first honour of having set this whole machine in motion. The order for taking of the inhibition goes over this night, and the vice-chancellours commission by next post. My Lord of Canterbury presents his humble service to your grace; all parties here think very well of him, for I can assure you he has lost no ground of late with the Tories. pealing the Triennial Bill was brought in this day by the Duke of Devonshire, read a first time, ordered a second on Saturday next, when that very important point is to be fully debated; but it will certainly pass. Lord Nottingham violent against it. Your grace's goodness will excuse all this, and The re My most Hond Lord, 4. Wee Since my last to your grace, wee have had the honour to be introduced to the King, and kiss his hand; the archbishop took this trouble on him, and we are highly indebted to your grace's goodness for recommending us to so high and acceptable a patron; he has spoke very favourably of us both to the King and Prince. He was very well received and heard by both, spoke French very readily to the King, to the Prince in English, who answers fluently enough. We afterwards waited on the Princesses who are very pretty and extremely well behaved, especially the Lady Ann, who has an understand. ing much above her years. Everybody about court appeared very well pleased with our message, and wee had compliments from the German courtiers. were at the Prince's levee; he bowes very graciously, and desires the speeches and whole should be made publick. When we waited at the King's levee, his Grace of Canterbury spoke again about the Test, promised to do his utmost in it; but said the gentlemen of Ireland did not express any dislike of their bill; this, my lord, is the main point, and would weigh more than all the rest to have men of weight and known affection to the King's service discourage it. Whereas he said hitherto none had advised against it but the bishops. I hope I don't mistake if I apprehended he meant that other people would be better heard by those in power. I find they dont think of sending us another bishop; from your side they expect recommendations, and tis with pleasure wee hear that your grace has taken care of restoring the quarter parts to the clergy, who have been much burthened by that payment. I think that income, tho lessned, will be much more comfortable to the next archbishop. The provost and my brother present their duty to your grace. I am, with all duty, London, Apr. 12. My most Hond Lord, 5. I hope this will find your grace safely arrived at Bath, and already receiving benefit from the waters. Our Commencement was celebrated with a very full appearance, and speeches from our vice-chancellour and proctors. I brought in an address, to which some amendments were offered, extreamly improper and absurd, the substance of the paragraph offered to be added, being, that wee thanked the Prince for the honour he had done us, and care he shewed in taking of our inhibition, which was put on by wicked and ill-designing men. I insisted on the question being put for the address I had read, wheither it should be the address of the congregation, and it was carried fifty-eight to eleven. I wish the numbers of the well affected stood so in both the English universities, and then wee might have a blessed prospect of future peace and quiet. Since your grace left Ireland wee have had a recommendation from the Prince of one Monsieur Regis, a clergyman, of French extraction, and, as I hear, a relation of my Lord Galloway's, for a doctor's degree, tho I think such recommendations a very great hardship upon us, wee could not altogether refuse our chancellour the first time, and have made him a Batchelour in divinity. His Grace of Canterbury wrote also in his favour; I must earnestly beg of your grace to screen us hereafter from such applications, and to represent to my Lord of Canterbury and Mr. Molyneux the inconvenience of giving degrees in such a manner, or they will grow into contempt, when they are matter of favour, and servile court application, and not the reward of long standing and merit: and indeed I must own to your grace that if such applications grow frequent I shall think it my duty to propose to our board that a representation be drawn up and laid before our chancellour of the inconveniences of it, and I promise myself from his justice and goodness that wee shall not be troubled with them hereafter. Both our college and university are in a very good disposition towards our new chancellour, and I hope more will not be put on us than wee are able to bear. It would have been impossible to have carried the degree for Mr. Regis in the Re• gent house, so that he has only the grace of our house. I beg your grace's prayers and blessing, and am, with the greatest respect, Y' grace's most obedient son and most Trin. Coll., Jul. 18. APPENDIX XXIV.-Dean Francis, GRANDFATHER OF SIR PHILIP FRANCIS.* May it please y' Grace, I presume to give y' grace the trouble of receiveing my gratefull acknowledgm's for y' grace's tendernesse to my friend, Deane Francis; there is not any one thing in ye world weh y' grace cou'd do for mee weh cou'd affect my mind more deeply with a sence of y' goodness or oblige mee more to devote myself to y' service dureing the rest of my life. I came first acquainted with him about 30 yrs ago, in Lancashire, where he was tutor to ye present S Roger Bradshaigh, & in Augt 88, when the mayor of Chester, my self, the record', all the aldermen & com'on councell, being 64 persons, were in one day remov'd from our sev'all stations, expressely for refuseing to take up the test & penal laws, & agreed to dine together on y occasion. This gent was by com'on consent pitch't upon to be our chaplayne, as one known to us all to be well affected to the Protestant intrest agt the then attempts of popery & arbitrary power, & after the Prince of Orange landed, haveing some scruples in my mind ariseing from some prejudices of my educac'on, I consulted with him concerning my going to Nottingham to to the then Earle of Devonshire, my Lord Cholmely & others then in armes, & when I had receaved satisfac'on in my doubts I went over to them. Afterwards in the year '90, I was made solicit' here, & in '91 I sent for Mr. Francis, & hee liv'd 3 yrs in my house before hee got any peferm. The opinion wch I have of his integrity is well grounded & the effect of long experience, & his learning & abilities in his profession are known to all, & I do not believe yt such a man cou'd at any other time have been sacrific'd & his wife & seven children lett to starve in his old age. I have done all yt I can on ye other side ye water to prevent his ruine, & those yt I have writ to have credit enough with ye Duke & Dutchesse both to This letter furnishes details in connexion with Dean Francis which were not brought to light through the extensive researches of the late Joseph Parkes, author of "Memoirs of Sir Philip Francis; completed and edited by H. Merivale." London, 1867. lay aside the present orders & to get for the deane the title of the crown. I have no need to importune y grace; no one knows better the means of his preservac'on than yr grace, & I'm told y' grace has expresst y self with compassion & with a disposic'on to protect him as far as you can fittly do it, & I am sure you will make it good. I am extreamly obligd to y' grace for y' many fav'rs, & wou'd have waited on you to expresse my self more fully if I was not just goeing out of town. I am, with all sincerity, May it please y' grace, These ffor his Grace Y' grace's most dutifull & most obliged servt, My Lord Archbp. of Dublin. R. LEVINGE. Endorsed: "Sir Richard Leving, March 1717-8." APPENDIX XXV.-A. CHARLETT, MASTER OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, OXFORD, 1717-18. 1. Univ. Coll., Oxon, May it please your Grace, 12 March 1717-18. I cannot, without very much shame, look upon a very kind letter of your grace's, dated May last the 25th, not yet answered; but that which first created the delay was my inquiry after Mathæus Pfaffius, to whose book your grace referred me for a character of Dr. Grabbe. I could not meet with any of that author's works till within this fortnight, and now if I have met with the right, being his Anecdota Sti Irencei, Hago Comitis, 80, 1715. I am most agreably surprised to find him so true and candid a freind & defender of Dr. Grabbes adherence to the Protestant religion, the Ch. of England established, and a great aversion to the errors & corruptions of the Ch. of R., all which he averrs to his own knowledge to be true, even to the time of his death. As to his singularity of opinions in preferring some part of the Communion Service in the Scotch Common Prayer Book, I believe Mr. Pfaffius may be very true, and I have heard Dr. Grabbe sometimes with much modesty own his preferring of it, of which he spoke with diffidence, no sort of eagernesse as a private wish or desideratum, or infirmity of his own, which he seemed unwilling should be known to young gentlemen, students, or common people for feare of ill uses might be made of it, avoiding w great decency, not only disputing, but even the least mention of it. The two persons that he chose here most familiarly to open such difficultys to (for none desired more or enjoyed oftener his instructive and delightfull conversation then myself), were the present B'ps of Bristol and Oxford, the later bred up in this college, both my early acquaintants, frequent and very acceptable visitants of me, at that time one deputy for Dr. Tane, the other providing to succeed him, both therefore delighting to talk over the more abstruse points or controversys with Dr. Grabbe, and both these will, I suppose, joyn in a testimonial of Dr. Grabbes learning, principles, virtues, &c., wth some other R. R. to be printed in the next volume of the Septuagint now ready to be published from the Theatre, from Dr. Grabbe's notes, which are now by Dr. Hickes will, I think, to be deposited in the Bodleian Library. But notwithstanding this candor of Mr. Pfaffius, who studdyed here several months, not many years since, I have met with another very learned French critic, and, one as I am assured by young Mr. Gronovius, was no ill-natured man, being a professor at Leiden, lately dead, has in a book publisht the last yeare, given a very infamous account of Dr. Grabbes morals & conversation, but so monstrously agst all evidence of sense, so extravagantly false as that not one who ever saw Dr. Grabbe, or once conversed with him, but must pronounce to be impossible, being not only one of the most self denyers as to sleep, diet, watching, &c., but agreeably as mortifyd in his looks, being mere skin & bones, yet very chearfull and easy in his conversation, and very complaisant. It is Casimirus Oudinus Trias Dissertationum criticarum, 1ma de Codice Alexandrino &, Lugdun. Bat. 1717, his words I have here* inclosed, for feare your grace may not have seen these truly learned treatises. But certainly never any writer met with more malicious or falser informers, as will appeare at first view. I will only adde, upon my own personal knowledge, he never missed the public prayers of our church in some chappell, &c. every day twice in the yeare. He would even, whilst eating or drinking, when called upon by way of tryal or experiment, sett any particular verse of scripture, memoriter, in 6 languages, viz., Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, English, German. He frequented sermons constantly, seldom abed above 4 hours, very often not go into a bed at all, but steal a little sleep in a chair, or on ye outside of a bed, so that he was macerated to a great degree; but when in company, very merry, eat not much, but pretty heartily, and would drink a glasse of wine in a sociable manner, but I believe seldom to ye quantity of a pint in the whole day. As to civil affairs, he was a true and zealous subject of the King of Prussia, had no manner of scruples about the Revolution, but, if I misremember not, was in private with me a hearty defender of it, tho with great deference to those that refused when he thought conscientiously. He had a very short and excellent plain way and method of talking agst Papists, Presbyterians, Independents, Socinians, Deists, Free Thinkers, Anabaptists, Quakers, generally by arguments from Scripture, very successful in converting Papists here in England. With learned men, from antiquity, his memory being so great, both as to words & things, that nothing of councils, church history, &c. which he would not in a change manner quite exactly memoriter, yet none more artfully endeavoured to concele his great learning, or none could be more confounded at the least approach of any prayse or commendation. He was a dayly solicitor of charity for the distressed, without distinction, and whatever mony he got, either by pinching or saving, he gave away to ye poor, with so much alacrity that would not be conceled, nor could any refuse him when he askt, if he had where withal to give. I never thought, nor any in this place, of person so eminently humane, politely courteous, so evidently unblameable, so discreetly inoffensive, or rather so positively benign, affable, religious, & tender in all circumstances of his life & conversation, could ever be the subject of any slander, especially when no profit to tempt, and yet you see Mr. Oudinus three informers, Germanus, Borussus, et Gallus conspired agst him. Pardon, my La, my present heat, because I never knew any man's conversation or temper more freindly, more open, more obliging, or more usefull & instructible, and to whom, upon all these accounts, I own myself much indetted, never thinking an hour better spent then in his company, which was always in a good humor. I have now done. The inclosed from Mr. Gagnier alius Borussus, alter Germanus ac tertius Gallus. Testabantur autem omnes, quod Grabius, è Borussia in Angliam trajiciens, prudenter sibi consuluisset, si ventrem in Germania relinquere potuisset. Pag 67. Hac enim re cognovissemus dubie procul transversum Grabii cerebrum, qui forsan cum vino adusto plenus esset, Reformationem hanc Ecclesiæ Anglicana supino ventre conscripserat. Nullos video, qui majore Reformatione egeant, quam qui reformandos alios volunt. Quamdiu Grabius in Anglia fuit Anglicana Reformatio ab ipso incipienda fuit, illeq', impediendus ne vino adusto ad satietatem impleretur. Unum, scio ingluviem hanc Grabii summe displicuisse Anglis omnibus, ac Gulielmo Cavo homini sobrie et temperanti, quem Grabius fautorem et patronum vocat, cujus auspiciis pensionem, ab Anna Regina Borussus noster obtinuerat. Relatum mihi a sociis, qui Grabium istum apprime noverant, qui tam acriter contra Gulielmum Whistonum Arianum pugnavit et scripsit, credidisse Christianissimum omnem fuisse fabulam meram, cui nihil intererat, quamvis opinionem illius amplecteretur, aut simularet, dummodo cautius inde vesceretur, aut famam doctrinæ captaret. Unde memoria illius post mortem, frigide ab Episcopis Anglicanis defensa fuit, qui manuscriptorum omnem illius collectam, sectæ cuidam Philadelphorum Londinensi lubentes reliquerunt." *"Vindiciæ Kircherianæ sive Animadversiones in novas Abrahami Trommii Concordantias Græcas versionis vulgo dictæ Lxx. I. Defenduntur ac vindicantur Conradi Kircheri Concordantiæ Græcæ adversus accusationes Abr. Trommii, qui illas defectuum, nævorum, mendarum vel quocunq' nomine appellet, paulo severius redarguit, quin et ipsum clariss. Auctorem in sua methodo imprudentis facti reum peragit, et opus abolendum durius pronunciat. II. Ostenditur editionem novam Trommianam, quamvis Cl. Henrici Savilii Methodum sequatur, tamen, prout jacet, pluribus adhuc ac gravioribus defectibus, nævis ac mendis laborare, quam Kircheriana. III. Proponitur nova alia methodus concordantiarum Græcarum, cujus sumina hæc est, nempe, ut vitandæ confusionis gratia, cui tam Trommianæ quam Kircherianæ Concordantiæ obnoxiæ sunt, in tres partes quibus potissimum inter se compositis constabant, seorsum distribuantur, quarum: Prima pars sit Lexicon Hebræo-Græcum (id quod præcipue intendebat Kircherus) quale ex Kircheriano opere vir Cl. Ambrosius Angierus, omissa ipsarum Concordantiarum male in compendium redegit. Secunda pars sit, vice versa, Lexicon-Græco-Hebræum, quale item mira industria et incredibili labore, servatis tantum Scripturæ locis, quæ ad propositum faciebant, et addito ubiq' Hebræo textu, concinnavit idem vir doctiss. ex eodem Kircheriano opere. Utrique interim Lexico passim inspergi poterant doctæ observationes et conjecturæ critica ipsius D. Angieri et aliorum, viz., Grotii, Bocharti, Capelli Ham will, I hope, excuse our delay, of returning your excellent MSS. of Dr. Aunger, and signify what we think still remains as a desiderata, notwithstanding the great pains of Mr. Trommius in reviewing Kircher's Concordance; but your grace will perceave how much still it may be improved, and your graces judgment is earnestly implored upon Mr. Gagnier's scheme, which he humbly offers to your grace, and the learned of Ireland, for theyr further advice and councill. We have not yet at all here considered this matter, much lesse determined, because this new edition is in few hands, and not much considered by any but Mr. Gagnier, if your grace and others should think it proper to have a concordance of both Greek Testaments; I am not sure but that we should have the courage to attempt a new edition, being told that this edition of Mr. Trommius is probably already vended and dispersed. I am sure we should be long eno in finding purchasers for so expensive a book, tho never so well finished. As to the other part of your excellent letter. It was not possible for us to have prevented this edition of Trommius, it having been neare halfe finished before we could be ready to begin, and although our specimens were sent beyond the seas, yet so far as we can discern, Trommius never takes the least notice or heard of such design. As to our presse, we can never engage further than for fair types, good workmen, and reasonable prices for the use of our materials or utensills, the vending of books we never could compasse, the want of vent broke Bp. Fell's body, public spirit, courage, purse, and presse, and so it did even the great Lewis 14, who was fain at last to sell, as Bp. Fell did, all his fine Louvre editions of the classick authors, councills, &c. by lotts or auction, and no author dares publish any book at his own expense, without subscription, therefore I think no author is to be blamed that he will not ly at the mercy of booksellers, which is cruelty to all that dare print, without first contracting with them. Mr. Herne is now under censure for his many rude, ill-mannered, and scandalous reflections in his new preface to Camden's Elizabetha, in 3 volumes in 8vo; price to subscribers, in large paper, 40s., in lesser, 20s., and so catcht up, none to be had at any rate, so deare is slander & detraction! I shall not be wanting to promote the prosecution ad reformandos mores, but I cannot condemn his method of printing no more then subscribed for, and by consequence setting such a price as he thinks advantageous to himself, and not displeasing to his subscribers, both being volunteers, and at liberty to proceed or refuse, nor are any denyd to subscribe, since both Ireland & England are deficient in buyers, 'tis to be wished both kingdoms would joyn and assist each other in taking of good & learned editions. Before I begd your pardon, and now humbly ask your blessing to, May it please your grace, Your grace's For Most humble and most dutifull servant, AR. CHARLETT. mondi Ang: &c., ad voces tam Hebræas quam Græcas, pro ratione instituti. Tertia pars, sit ipsum Corpus Concordantiarum omnibus additamen tis et lexicis, prorsus nudum et liberum ad instar Concordantiarum Buxtorfii Heb. vel Anglicanarum, Newmanni videlicet servato ubiq' grammatico, ordine tam in verbis quam in nominibus adornentur de novo tales concordantiæ simplices, non ad Francofurtensem quæ pessima est, quam tamen sequutus est Trommius post Kircherum, sed ad optimam versionis lxx. editionem, vel Romanam ex Vaticano codice vel Oxoniensem ex Alexandrino cura Cl. Joh. Ernesti Grabii, cum asterisiis, obelis &c. appositis si id commode fieri possit. Hexaplorum Origenis reliquiæ, quæ supersunt, a Rev. D. Bern. de Montfaucon collectæ quas quidem intactas reliquit Trommius in ordinem concordantialem redigantur, et suis locis cum propriis characteribus inservantur. Quæ omnia duobus voluminibus comprehendi facile poterunt etiam adjectis aliquot indicibus et nomenclaturis, quales etiam D. A. Angierus adornavit, cujus nomen in hoc toto opere Concordantiarum imprimis præfulgere debet. Si addendæ sunt operi Concordantiarum Græcarum, ipsæ Concor dantia Novi Testamenti (quæ quidem est sententia reverendissimi Archie. Cantuariensis) huic proposito apprime inserviet Luculentissimus index omnium vocum Græcarum utrisuq' foederis inter se collatarum quem sedula diligentia ibidem confecit prælaudatus D. Angierus noblissimæ familiæ Hibernus Socius Coll. SS. Trinit. apud Dublinienses, nec non S. T. Professor, cujus in concordantias Kircheri elucubrationes duobus tomis propria authoris manu exaratis et, bibliothecæ istius Collegii ab eodem consecratis et a Præposito sociisq nobis humanissime mutuo datas, pro sua benevolentia & summo sacrarum literarum promovendarum studio, ad nos transmitti curavit reverendissimus Gulielmus King, Dubliniensisis Archiepiscopus." Endorsed by Dr. Charlett: "Vindicia Kircheriana per Mr Gagnier, 20 Feb. 1717." My Lord, London, 30 April 1724. I had the honour of your grace's of the 19th, and as that related to our copper coynage, give me leave to acquaint you that I received last week a message from the Treasury, that by order of that board I was directed to attend with the secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Scrope, the essay on Monday the 27th, at the Tower, in presence of S Isaac Newton and the officers of the Mint, & Mr Wood, whom to that time I had never seen. S' Isaac, who is a very exact man, weighed his farthings, wch by the pattent being to consist of 116 grains, or 30 pence to a pound. It appeared there was a difference in the individuals from 108 to 125 grains, which they say is impossible to be otherwise from the jumping of the rolers, but when weighed by the pound it answerd some grains over. The next tryal was by the breaking them cold, wch is of little import. Then by fire, by heating them red hott & beating them out thin. If they don't crack & after appear ruff to the hand, it seems that denominates good copper. So that, in conclusion, as to what was produced it appeared to be good copper & weight according to the pattent. But what Ireland complains of, as I understand it, is the smallness of the weight & the quantity that may be poured in by being coyned at Bristoll or any other place out of a proper controul. This is the matter of state to be considerd & wch will attend ye D. of Grafton's arrival here before any thing is determined, & I already perceive there is a disposition to mend these 2 affairs, & to find some medium in ascertaining ye prerogative & satisfying as to the quantity. It appeared 5 Irish half pence were but equall to 4 English; that the copper is worth but about 12 or 13 pence a pound; that the English are coyned at 23d a pound & these at 30d. As I know more I shall lett you know, but I was not fond of being named, tho as the King's servant one is to attend where one's superiors direct. As to the half pence of K. C. 2., K. J. 2., & K. Wm they appeard of very bad copper, & did not stand the tryal. But it may be said that by the pattent they coyned by, they were to charge them by contract. It appeared by the comptroller's acct they had coyned 59 tons & 3 quarters, amounting to 16,570l. I was willing to inform your grace of these perticulars, and perticularly for one reason, that if you hear mee mentioned for giving a sanction to these coynage, you may assume that I was sumoned to see what Mr. Wood produced at the essay. And the report of that matter goes no further, ffor I may tell you that S I. Newton was always against anv coynage out of the Tower. Since gold, silver, or copper still bear the Royal image, & ought to be in his sense under the same inspection. I am, my Lord, Your grace's most humle sert, E. SOUTHWELL. APPENDIX XXVIII.-FRANCIS HUTCHESON. May it please your Grace, The author of the book which you will receive along with this letter, thought it proper not to be known as the author till he found how it would be received. His diffidence of its success hindered him from presenting a coppy of it to your grace sooner, but since he has found that it has pleased some persons of distinction, he begins to presume that it will not be disagreeable to your grace, and would willingly hope that he shall make some small return in kind for the great pleasure he has very lately received, upon a subject that had long employed his thoughts, from the author De Origine Mali. To I am, may it please your grace, Dublin, March 25th, 1725. His Grace the Archbishop of Dublin. APPENDIX XXIX.-REPORT OF DEBATE ON IMPEACHMENT OF BOLINGBROKE IN HOUSE OF COMMONS, LONDON, 10 JUNE 1715. [Extract.] Whilst the Report was reading by the clerk, which lasted till about four a'clock, there was a great division among our friends, whether they should adjourne the consideration of it till a further time, or proceed immediately upon it. Mr. Boscawen and the younger part of the House were very violent for the last; the lawyers and the Speaker for the former. Mr. Stanhope upon the first settling of the Committee had unluckily promised that the House should have some days to consider of the Report after its being brought in, which obliged him to be silent, or, if a division should happen, to leave his ffriends in that point. In the mean time messages went to and fro between the opposite corners, and it was in a manner compromised to proceed on the Report on Monday next, which was all the time the Tories then asked. But when they found the Whigs whispering very warmly among themselves, they declared they would not rest satisfyed with so short a day. Upon which our friends agreed to offer Monday, and if that was not accepted, to proceed immediately. When the Report was finished, Sr Jos. Jekyll stood up and declared himself satisfied that there were several matters in the Report which did amount to a charge of high treason and ended with a motion that they should be taken into consideration on Monday next. Mr. Barrington Shute spoke to the same effect, and seconded the motion. Mr. Ward, the lawyer, answered, that this Report was rather a narrative of matters of fact than a charge against particular persons, and that he saw in it no crimes of a capital nature, and then he moved for a longer day. Sir Rob. Raymond said it would be impossible for the members to be masters of it unless they might all have the perusal of the Report, which could not be done unless the Report were printed. This, he said, might be done by Monday, and if it were put off three or four days longer every member might be prepared to give his opinion of the facts before them. Mr. Hoysham, the City member, said: As man's life was concerned in it, and as every one there must answer in another place for his conduct in this affair, he was for putting it off till Wednesday next. Sir W. Whitlock seconded him, adding that he could see nothing like high treason in the Report. Mr. Freeman said it was the same thing whether they proceeded on it now or on Wednesday, since neither could answer the intention of such a delay; it being impossible for all the members to peruse the Report within that time, and therefore moved for Monday sen'night, observing at the same time that there was an omission in the Report of those words which directed the D. of Ormonde to correspond with the Secretary of State. Ld Coningsby said, we were to impeach and not to judge, and cited the precedent of the Popish Plott for proceeding immediately. He put the House likewise in mind of the present day, which was the 10th of June, the birthday of the Pretender, and as (says he) I hear there is a fflag already hung out upon one of the churches, so if you do nothing this day, there will be a fflag hung out upon every church in England. N.B.-There was a fflag hung out upon St Jones's Church in Clarkenwell and ringing of bells at St Dunstan's. Sir Tho. Cross insisted upon the declared sence of the House, when Mr. Stanhope promised a longer day, and as for my L Coningsby, he did not question but his lordship was prepared to give judgement without a further hearing; but as for himself he had not his lordship's parts & experience in parliamentary matters, & therefore was not in a readyness to give his opinion: he concluded for Monday sen'night. Mr. Comptroller, in answer to the omission of the words in the Duke of Ormonde's instructions, said, they were refer'd to in ye Report and placed at large in the Appendix, which contains all such original papers as were too long to be inserted in the Report. He observed that the Duke of Ormonde had been visibly betrayd by the ministers, for that in other instructions it was usual to give an express direction to obey such orders as should be received from time to time from a Secretary of State. He concluded that he did not think Monday would be of any use, and therefore that they should order the doors to be immediately shut and proceed upon the Report. Mr. Bromley endeavour'd to answer the precedent of the Popish Plot, and instanced my Lord Coningsby's own case, when impeached of murder by Lord Bellamont, when he had a reasonable time allowed him for an answer; adding that he very well remember'd Mr. it, as being one of those who had cleared the said Lord. Lord Coningsby said, if Mr. Bromley should be in the same condition, he should be glad to return his civility, and to clear him too, if he should appear as innocent upon an impeachment as he himself had done. Foley wonder'd at the comparison which La Coningsby had made between the conduct of the late Ministry and the Popish Plot, endeavouring to show that upon the worst construction the former fell infinitely short of the latter, and that there could be no high treason found in it. Mr. Aislaby said he wou'd begin with the words made use of in the late Treasurer's letter as inserted in the Report with relation to the Dutch (viz.) :-The warriours are driven out of their out-works & their last retrenchment [sic] is delay. He urged that since the private compromise for Monday next was not stood to by the gentlemen of the other corner, he thought all further delay was unreasonable. That no time ever had been given to such criminals accused to the House, as particularly in the last impeachment for the Partition Treaty, and in the case of my Lord Danby when impeached by Mr. Montague. That in this Report there were matters of as high treason as were ever charged against a minister, concluding for Monday or now.' APPENDIX XXX.-TAXATION OF IRELAND, A.D. 1716. [Extracts.] Some observations on the taxes pay'd by Ireland to support the Government. Tis a gen" opinion in Great Britain, and passes currant without contradiction, that Ireland is in a flourishing condition; that whilst England has bin oppressed and deeply sunk in debt by excessive taxes Ireland has bin at ease, contributed nothing to the support of the Governm', and is not one shilling in debt; this I take to be a great reason of that ill affection that appears on many occasions against Ireland in the Parlem of Great Britain, and the occasion of several laws past there, which the people of Ireland look on as very hard upon them. But in answ to this I believe it may be demonstrated that Ireland, in proportion to the riches thereof, has contributed as much as Great Britain, if not more, to the support of the Crown and Governm1 since the Revolution; this p'haps may be looked on as a paradox, but I believe it will not appear such to any one that will impartially consider the following p'ticulars. 1st. That the hardship of the taxes pay'd by subjects to support the Governm' is not to be estimated by the quantity of the mony given, but by the proportion it bears to the substance of the p'son that gives it, as, for example, a person that is worth in substance but 201. and gives one pound out of it, gives as much in proportion and feels the hards'p of parting with it as much as another that is worth 20 thousand pounds and contributes one thousand out of it. Nay, the less a man's substance is, the more he must feel the parting with his proportional part; as, for example, suppose a man worth 20 thousand pounds and the publick shou'd require 19 thousand of it, yet he wou'd have one thousand left him, which wou'd prevent his starving & furnish him and his ffamily with the necessarys of life, but if a man be worth but 20 shill' and 19 be taken away 'tis impossible the remaining shill' shou'd subsist him & his family, and so in all probabilitie he must starve. 2dly. If we compare the riches of Ireland with yt of Great Britain we shall find that they do not bear the proportion of one to 13, this might be demonstrated from unanswerable arguments, I shall only mention one or two: first, if we compare the metropoles of the two kingdoms, that is, London and Dublin, we shall find about 13 times more houses in London than in Dublin; the houses of London are much better than those in Dublin, they are much better furnished, and the inhabitants much richer, in so much that perhaps one Alderman in London is richer then all those of Dublin, at least they are 13 times richer. If we look into the Custom houses of both kingdoms, we shall find a greater disproportion between the trade of the one and the other then 13 to one. And there want not those that affirm the riches of Great Britain to be at least 30 times more then the riches of Ireland, but I will take it to be but 13 times. 3dly. Let us see what Ireland has contributed to the support of the publick by way of taxes since it was settled after the Revolution, and we shall find that one year with another it has actually paid above 400,000l. And if we take in the management of the revenu above 450,0007. This will appear from the receits of the revenu, and if we put in the Trustee Act which cost Ireland at least a million, it will appear that Ireland has contributed much more then this. 4thly. When Ireland pays 450,000l. Britain ought in p'portion to the riches thereof to have contributed 13 times as much, that is 5,850,000l., but that it has not done. Tis true that some years six or seven millions were raised, but they never paid actually five millions, but mortgaged funds to pay the interest of the rest; now for a man to mortgage his lands is not to pay his debts, whereas Ireland actually paid within the year their taxes, and by that means kept themselves clear of debts. I find several things alleged as if they made a disparity between the case of Britain and Ireland; the first is that a great part of the mony raised by the Parlemt in England was sent out of the kingdom to support the armies and pay the allys for the men put into the English service. Whereas the mony of Ireland was spent in the kingdom, and therefore the people were not impoverished by it so much as the inhabitants of Britain. As to the charges of England in reducing Ireland, I will allow that in the 3 years the warre continued it cost England five millions, tho', I believe, that is a great deal too much, this was the sum of the loss; now as to Ireland, I believe the rents of Ireland may be computed at 1,500,000l. p' annum, now take the landlords of Ireland one with another and 'twill be found that they lost four years rents at least by the warre, for tho' the Courts did not allow so much, yet many gents lands lay wast five or six years, or they got nothing out of them, and many set theirs at a riseing rent, that is of the old rent for 7 years, for the next 7, and then to come to the old rents; so that computing one place with another and one landlord with another, the loss coud not be less then 4 years of the whole, that is six millions if we adde the stocks of the cow kind, the sheep, and horses that were distroyed in the warre, these will amount at least to 3 millions more; by a certain computation there were in the diocese of Derry about 200,000 of the cow kind, 46,000 horses, besids sheep, hogs, goats, &c., of these there were left only 300 cows, 2 horses, 2 swine, and seven sheep; now if we compute those of the cow kind at 20 shill' a head and the horses one with another at 40 shill', in those 2 sorts there were lost to the valu of near 200,000l. in that one diocess, whereas the land there had in proportion much less stock than other parts of the kingdom and is not the 30th part of the whole. At the Revolution every one knows that Ireland was then overstocked and every 4 acres had at least a cow or what is equivalent to a full grown cow, and such cows can't be valued at less than 30 shill' one with another; if the stock was in horses or sheep, &c. it was much more; divide then 15,000,000 the number of profitable acres by 4, and the quotient is 3,750,000; multiply this by 30 and reduce it to pounds and it mak's 5,625,000l., the valu of the stock in 1688; but it is undeniable that at the conclusion of the warre of the stock did not remain, no not one 5th, and then you see that our loss in stock was much greater than I make it. Nor can it be said the stock was only driven from one part of the kingdom to another, for the distruction was universal, and so much that the grass was burnt in most places, there being no cattle to eat it, and yefore withered and being set on fire either by chance or designe, burnt in several places 20 miles, till some river or other accident stopped it. Let us adde to this the burning of houses and destruction of improvements which were reckoned to at least a million more and then the whole loss of Ireland come at least to 10 millions, which is double that of England in reducing it and for which no compensation was ever made. As to the loss of men, it is plain that dureing the 17 years of warre if we compute the Irish troops, private men, and officers that served the crown of England during that time, we shall find them at least to be double to the English subjects that were employed in the reduction of Ireland or were lost in it dureing the 3 years it continued, so that in this point England has bin repaid with interest. Perhaps some will doubt of the truth of this representation of the miserable estate of the common people of Ireland, but whoever has been in their cabbins have seen the matter of fact to be so and can vouch the truth of it. There are two sort of men that I except against as incompetent witness in this case: first, such English gent. as come over into Ireland on visits or business, and 2dly such gent of Ireland as live in England or that tho' they live generally in Ireland yet are as much strangers to the common people and their way of living as if bread in Turkey. I know these two represent |