your grace may not have seen these truly learned treatises. But certainly never any writer met with more malicious or falser informers, as will appeare at first view. I will only adde, upon my own personal knowledge, he never missed the public prayers of our church in some chappell, &c. every day twice in the yeare. He would even, whilst eating or drinking, when called upon by way of tryal or experiment, sett any particular verse of scripture, memoriter, in 6 languages, viz., Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, English, German. He frequented sermons constantly, seldom abed above 4 hours, very often not go into a bed at all, but steal a little sleep in a chair, or on ye outside of a bed, so that he was macerated to a great degree; but when in company, very merry, eat not much, but pretty heartily, and would drink a glasse of wine in a sociable manner, but I believe seldom to ye quantity of a pint in the whole day. As to civil affairs, he was a true and zealous subject of the King of Prussia, had no manner of scruples about the Revolution, but, if I misremember not, was in private with me a hearty defender of it, tho with great deference to those that refused when he thought conscientiously. He had a very short and excellent plain way and method of talking agst Papists, Presbyterians, Independents, Socinians, Deists, Free Thinkers, Anabaptists, Quakers, generally by arguments from Scripture, very successful in converting Papists here in England. With learned men, from antiquity, his memory being so great, both as to words & things, that nothing of councils, church history, &c. which he would not in a change manner quite exactly memoriter, yet none more artfully endeavoured to concele his great learning, or none could be more confounded at the least approach of any prayse or commendation. He was a dayly solicitor of charity for the distressed, without distinction, and whatever mony he got, either by pinching or saving, he gave away to ye poor, with so much alacrity that would not be conceled, nor could any refuse him when he askt, if he had where withal to give. I never thought, nor any in this place, of person so eminently humane, politely courteous, so evidently unblameable, so discreetly inoffensive, or rather so positively benign, affable, religious, & tender in all circumstances of his life & conversation, could ever be the subject of any slander, especially when no profit to tempt, and yet you see Mr. Oudinus three informers, Germanus, Borussus, et Gallus conspired agst him. Pardon, my La, my present heat, because I never knew any man's conversation or temper more freindly, more open, more obliging, or more usefull & instructible, and to whom, upon all these accounts, I own myself much indetted, never thinking an hour better spent then in his company, which was always in a good humor. I have now done. The inclosed from Mr. Gagnier alius Borussus, alter Germanus ac tertius Gallus. Testabantur autem omnes, quod Grabius, è Borussia in Angliam trajiciens, prudenter sibi consuluisset, si ventrem in Germania relinquere potuisset. Pag 67. Hac enim re cognovissemus dubie procul transversum Grabii cerebrum, qui forsan cum vino adusto plenus esset, Reformationem hanc Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ supino ventre conscripserat. Nullos video, qui majore Reformatione egeant, quam qui reformandos alios volunt. Quamdiu Grabius in Anglia fuit Anglicana Reformatio ab ipso incipienda fuit, illeq', impediendus ne vino adusto ad satietatem impleretur. Unum, scio ingluviem hanc Grabii summe displicuisse Anglis omnibus, ac Gulielmo Cavo homini sobrie et temperanti, quem Grabius fautorem et patronum vocat, cujus auspiciis pensionem, ab Anna Regina Borussus noster obtinuerat. Relatum mihi a sociis, qui Grabium istum apprime noverant, qui tam acriter contra Gulielmum Whistonum Arianum pugnavit et scripsit, credidisse Christianissimum omnem fuisse fabulam meram, cui nihil intererat, quamvis opinionem illius amplecteretur, aut simularet, dummodo cautius inde vesceretur, aut famam doctrinæ captaret. Unde memoria illius post mortem, frigide ab Episcopis Anglicanis defensa fuit, qui manuscriptorum omnem illius collectam, sectæ cuidam Philadelphorum Londinensi lubentes reliquerunt." “ Vindiciae Kircherianæ sive Animadversiones in novas Abrahami Trommii Concordantias Græcas versionis vulgo dicta Lxx. Interpretum, cujus voces secundum ordinem elementorum sermonis Græci digestæ recensentur contra atque in opere Kircheriano. I. Defenduntur ac vindicantur Conradi Kircheri Concordantiæ Græcæ adversus accusationes Abr. Trommii, qui illas defectuum, nævorum, mendarum vel quocunq' nomine appellet, paulo severius redarguit, quin et ipsum clariss. Auctorem in sua methodo imprudentis facti reum peragit, et opus abolendum durius pronunciat. II. Ostenditur editionem novam Trommianam, quamvis Cl. Henrici Savilii Methodum sequatur, tamen, prout jacet, pluribus adhuc ac gravioribus defectibus, navis ac mendis laborare, quam Kircheriana. III. Proponitur nova alia methodus concordantiarum Græcarum, cujus summa hæc est, nempe, ut vitandæ confusionis gratia, cui tam Trommianæ quam Kircherian Concordantiæ obnoxiæ sunt, in tres partes quibus potissimum inter se compositis constabant, seorsum distribuantur, quarum: Prima pars sit Lexicon Hebræo-Græcum (id quod præcipue intendebat Kircherus) quale ex Kircheriano opere vir Cl. Ambrosius Angierus, omissa ipsarum Concordantiarum male in compendium redegit. Secunda pars sit, vice versa, Lexicon-Græco-Hebræum, quale item mira industria et incredibili labore, servatis tantum Scripturæ locis, quæ ad propositum faciebant, et addito ubiq' Hebræo textu, concinnavit idem vir doctiss. ex eodem Kircheriano opere. Utrique interim Lexico passim inspergi poterant doctæ observationes et conjecturæ criticæ ípsius D. Angieri et aliorum, viz., Grotii, Bocharti, Capelli Ham will, I hope, excuse our delay, of returning your excellent MSS. of Dr. Aunger, and signify what we think still remains as a desiderata, notwithstanding the great pains of Mr. Trommius in reviewing Kircher's Concordance; but your grace will perceave how much still it may be improved, and your graces judgment is earnestly implored upon Mr. Gagnier's scheme, which he humbly offers to your grace, and the learned of Ireland, for theyr further advice and councill. We have not yet at all here considered this matter, much lesse determined, because this new edition is in few hands, and not much considered by any but Mr. Gagnier, if your grace and others should think it proper to have a concordance of both Greek Testaments; I am not sure but that we should have the courage to attempt a new edition, being told that this edition of Mr. Trommius is probably already vended and dispersed. I am sure we should be long eno in finding purchasers for so expensive a book, tho never so well finished. As to the other part of your excellent letter. It was not possible for us to have prevented this edition of Trommius, it having been neare halfe finished before we could be ready to begin, and although our specimens were sent beyond the seas, yet so far as we can discern, Trommius never takes the least notice or heard of such design. As to our presse, we can never engage further than for fair types, good workmen, and reasonable prices for the use of our materials or utensills, the vending of books we never could compasse, the want of vent broke Bp. Fell's body, public spirit, courage, purse, and presse, and so it did even the great Lewis 14, who was fain at last to sell, as Bp. Fell did, all his fine Louvre editions of the classick authors, councills, &c. by lotts or auction, and no author dares publish any book at his own expense, without subscription, therefore I think no author is to be blamed that he will not ly at the mercy of booksellers, which is cruelty to all that dare print, without first contracting with them. Mr. Herne is now under censure for his many rude, ill-mannered, and scandalous reflections in his new preface to Camden's Elizabetha, in 3 volumes in 8vo; price to subscribers, in large paper, 40s., in lesser, 20s., and so catcht up, none to be had at any rate, so deare is slander & detraction! I shall not be wanting to promote the prosecution ad reformandos mores, but I cannot condemn his method of printing no more then subscribed for, and by consequence setting such a price as he thinks advantageous to himself, and not displeasing to his subscribers, both being volunteers, and at liberty to proceed or refuse, nor are any denyd to subscribe, since both Ireland & England are deficient in buyers, 'tis to be wished both kingdoms would joyn and assist each other in taking of good & learned editions. Before I begd your pardon, and now humbly ask your blessing to, May it please your grace, For Your grace's Most humble and most dutifull servant, AR. CHARLETT. mondi Ang: &c., ad voces tam Hebræas quam Græcas, pro ratione instituti. Tertia pars, sit ipsum Corpus Concordantiarum omnibus additamentis et lexicis, prorsus nudum et liberum ad instar Concordantiarum Buxtorfii Heb. vel Auglicanarum, Newmanni videlicet servato ubiq' grammatico, ordine tam in verbis quam in nominibus adornentur de novo tales concordantiæ simplices, non ad Francofurtensem quæ pessima est, quam tamen sequutus est Trommius post Kircherum, sed ad optimam versionis lxx. editionem, vel Romanam ex Vaticano codice vel Oxoniensem ex Alexandrino cura Cl. Joh. Ernesti Grabii, cum asterisiis, obelis &c. appositis si id commode fieri possit. Hexaplorum Origenis reliquiæ, quæ supersunt, a Rev. D. Bern. de Montfaucon collecte quas quidem intactas reliquit Trommius in ordinem concordantialem redigantur, et suis locis cum propriis characteribus inservantur. Quæ omnia duobus voluminibus comprehendi facile poterunt etiam adjectis aliquot indicibus et nomenclaturis, quales etiam D. A. Angierus adornavit, cujus nomen in hoc toto opere Concordantiarum imprimis præfulgere debet. Si addendæ sunt operi Concordantiarum Græcarum, ipsæ Concor dantiæ Novi Testamenti (quæ quidem est sententia reverendissimi Archie. Cantuariensis) huic proposito apprime inserviet Luculentissimus index omnium vocum Græcarum utrisuq' foederis inter se collatarum quem sedula diligentia ibidem confecit prælaudatus D. Angierus noblissimæ familiæ Hibernus Socius Coll. SS. Trinit. apud Dublinienses, nec non S. T. Professor, cujus in concordantias Kircheri elucubrationes duobus tomis propria authoris manu exaratis et, .bibliothecæ istius Collegii ab eodem consecratis et a Præposito sociisq' nobis humanissime mutuo datas, pro sua benevolentia & summo sacrarum literarum promovendarum studio, ad nos transmitti curavit reverendissimus Gulielmus King, Dubliniensisis Archiepiscopus." Endorsed by Dr. Charlett: "Vindicia Kircherianæ per Mrum Gagnier, 20 Feb. 1713." My Lord, London, 30 April 1724. I had the honour of your grace's of the 19th, and as that related to our copper coynage, give me leave to acquaint you that I received last week a message from the Treasury, that by order of that board I was directed to attend with the secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Scrope, the essay on Monday the 27th, at the Tower, in presence of Sr Isaac Newton and the officers of the Mint, & Mr Wood, whom to that time I had never seen. Sr Isaac, who is a very exact man, weighed his farthings, wch by the pattent being to consist of 116 grains, or 30 pence to a pound. It appeared there was a difference in the individuals from 108 to 125 grains, which they say is impossible to be otherwise from the jumping of the rolers, but when weighed by the pound it answerd some grains over. The next tryal was by the breaking them cold, wch is of little import. Then by fire, by heating them red hott & beating them out thin. If they don't crack & after appear ruff to the hand, it seems that denominates good copper. So that, in conclusion, as to what was produced it appeared to be good copper & weight according to the pattent. But what Ireland complains of, as I understand it, is the smallness of the weight & the quantity that may be poured in by being coyned at Bristoll or any other place out of a proper controul. This is the matter of state to be considerd & wch will attend ye D. of Grafton's arrival here before any thing is determined, & I already perceive there is a disposition to mend these 2 affairs, & to find some medium in ascertaining ye prerogative & satisfying as to the quantity. It appeared 5 Irish half pence were but equall to 4 English; that the copper is worth but about 12 or 13 pence a pound; that the English are coyned at 23d a pound & these at 30d. As I know more I shall lett you know, but I was not fond of being named, tho as the King's servant one is to attend where one's superiors direct. As to the half pence of K. C. 2., K. J. 2., & K. Wm they appeard of very bad copper, & did not stand the tryal. But it may be said that by the pattent they coyned by, they were to charge them by contract. It appeared by the comptroller's acct they had coyned 59 tons & 3 quarters, amounting to 16,570l. I was willing to inform your grace of these perticulars, and perticularly for one reason, that if you hear mee mentioned for giving a sanction to these coynage, you may assume that I was sumoned to see what Mr. Wood produced at the essay. And the report of that matter goes no further, ffor I may tell you that S I. Newton was always against anv coynage out of the Tower. Since gold, silver, or copper still bear the Royal image, & ought to be in his sense under the same inspection. I am, my Lord, Your grace's most humle sert, E. SOUTHWELL. APPENDIX XXVIII.-FRANCIS HUTCHESON. May it please your Grace, The author of the book which you will receive along with this letter, thought it proper not to be known as the author till he found how it would be received. His diffidence of its success hindered him from presenting a coppy of it to your grace sooner, but since he has found that it has pleased some persons of distinction, he begins to presume that it will not be disagreeable to your grace, and would willingly hope that he shall make some small return in kind for the great pleasure he has very lately received, upon a subject that had long employed his thoughts, from the author De Origine Mali. To I am, may it please your grace, Dublin, March 25th, 1725. His Grace the Archbishop of Dublin. APPENDIX XXIX.-REPORT OF DEBATE ON IMPEACHMENT OF BOLINGBROKE IN HOUSE OF COMMONS, LONDON, 10 JUNE 1715. [Extract.] Whilst the Report was reading by the clerk, which lasted till about four a'clock, there was a great division among our friends, whether they should adjourne the consideration of it till a further time, or proceed immediately upon it. Mr. Boscawen and the younger part of the House were very violent for the last; the lawyers and the Speaker for the former. Mr. Stanhope upon the first settling of the Committee had unluckily promised that the House should have some days to consider of the Report after its being brought in, which obliged him to be silent, or, if a division should happen, to leave his ffriends in that point. In the mean time messages went to and fro between the opposite corners, and it was in a manner compromised to proceed on the Report on Monday next, which was all the time the Tories then asked. But when they found the Whigs whispering very warmly among themselves, they declared they would not rest satisfyed with so short a day. Upon which our friends agreed to offer Monday, and if that was not accepted, to proceed immediately. When the Report was finished, Sr Jos. Jekyll stood up and declared himself satisfied that there were several matters in the Report which did amount to a charge of high treason and ended with a motion that they should be taken into consideration on Monday next. Mr. Barrington Shute spoke to the same effect, and seconded the motion. Mr. Ward, the lawyer, answered, that this Report was rather a narrative of matters of fact than a charge against particular persons, and that he saw in it no crimes of a capital nature, and then he moved for a longer day. Sir Rob. Raymond said it would be impossible for the members to be masters of it unless they might all have the perusal of the Report, which could not be done unless the Report were printed. This, he said, might be done by Monday, and if it were put off three or four days longer every member might be prepared to give his opinion of the facts before them. Mr. Hoysham, the City member, said: As man's life was concerned in it, and as every one there must answer in another place for his conduct in this affair, he was for putting it off till Wednesday next. Sir W. Whitlock seconded him, adding that he could see nothing like high treason in the Report. Mr. Freeman said it was the same thing whether they proceeded on it now or on Wednesday, since neither could answer the intention of such a delay; it being impossible for all the members to peruse the Report within that time, and therefore moved for Monday sen'night, observing at the same time that there was an omission in the Report of those words which directed the D. of Ormonde to correspond with the Secretary of State. La Coningsby said, we were to impeach and not to judge, and cited the precedent of the Popish Plott for proceeding immediately. He put the House likewise in mind of the present day, which was the 10th of June, the birthday of the Pretender, and as (says he) I hear there is a fflag already hung out upon one of the churches, so if you do nothing this day, there will be a fflag hung out upon every church in England. N.B.-There was a fflag hung out upon St Jones's Church in Clarkenwell and ringing of bells at St Dunstan's. Sir Tho. Cross insisted upon the declared sence of the House, when Mr. Stanhope promised a longer day, and as for my Ld Coningsby, he did not question but his lordship was prepared to give judgement without a further hearing; but as for himself he had not his lordship's parts & experience in parliamentary matters, & therefore was not in a readyness to give his opinion he concluded for Monday sen'night. Mr. Comptroller, in answer to the omission of the words in the Duke of Ormonde's instructions, said, they were refer'd to in ye Report and placed at large in the Appendix, which contains all such original papers as were too long to be inserted in the Report. He observed that the Duke of Ormonde had been visibly betrayd by the ministers, for that in other instructions it was usual to give an express direction to obey such orders as should be received from time to time from a Secretary of State. He concluded that he did not think Monday would be of any use, and therefore that they should order the doors to be immediately shut and proceed upon the Report. Mr. Bromley endeavour'd to answer the precedent of the Popish Plot, and instanced my Lord Coningsby's own case, when impeached of murder by Lord Bellamont, when he had a reasonable time allowed him for an answer; adding that he very well remember'd it, as being one of those who had cleared the said Lord. Lord Coningsby said, if Mr. Bromley should be in the same condition, he should be glad to return his civility, and to clear him too, if he should appear as innocent upon an impeachment as he himself had done. Mr. Foley wonder'd at the comparison which La Coningsby had made between the conduct of the late Ministry and the Popish Plot, endeavouring to show that upon the worst construction the former fell infinitely short of the latter, and that there could be no high treason found in it. Mr. Aislaby said he wou'd begin with the words made use of in the late Treasurer's letter as inserted in the Report with relation to the Dutch (viz.):—The warriours are driven out of their out-works & their last retrenchment [sic] is delay. He urged that since the private compromise for Monday next was not stood to by the gentlemen of the other corner, he thought all further delay was unreasonable. That no time ever had been given to such criminals accused to the House, as particularly in the last impeachment for the Partition Treaty, and in the case of my Lord Danby when impeached by Mr. Montague. That in this Report there were matters of as high treason as were ever charged against a minister, concluding for Monday or now.' APPENDIX XXX.-TAXATION OF IRELAND, A.D. 1716, [Extracts.] Some observations on the taxes pay'd by Ireland to support the Government. Tis a gen1 opinion in Great Britain, and passes currant without contradiction, that Ireland is in a flourishing condition; that whilst England has bin oppressed and deeply sunk in debt by excessive taxes Ireland has bin at ease, contributed nothing to the support of the Governm', and is not one shilling in debt; this I take to be a great reason of that ill affection that appears on many occasions against Ireland in the Parlem of Great Britain, and the occasion of several laws past there, which the people of Ireland look on as very hard upon them. But in answ to this I believe it may be demonstrated that Ireland, in proportion to the riches thereof, has contributed as much as Great Britain, if not more, to the support of the Crown and Governmt since the Revolution; this p'haps may be looked on as a paradox, but I believe it will not appear such to any one that will impartially consider the following p'ticulars. 1st. That the hardship of the taxes pay'd by subjects to support the Governm is not to be estimated by the quantity of the mony given, but by the proportion it bears to the substance of the p'son that gives it, as, for example, a person that is worth in substance but 201. and gives one pound out of it, gives as much in proportion and feels the hards'p of parting with it as much as another that is worth 20 thousand pounds and contributes one thousand out of it. Nay, the less a man's substance is, the more he must feel the parting with his proportional part; as, for example, suppose a man worth 20 thousand pounds and the publick shou'd require 19 thousand of it, yet he wou'd have one thousand left him, which wou'd prevent his starving & furnish him and his ffamily with the necessarys of life, but if a man be worth but 20 shill' and 19 be taken away 'tis impossible the remaining shill' shou'd subsist him & his family, and so in all probabilitie he must starve. 2dly. If we compare the riches of Ireland with yt of Great Britain we shall find that they do not bear the proportion of one to 13, this might be demonstrated from unanswerable arguments, I shall only mention one or two: first, if we compare the metropoles of the two kingdoms, that is, London and Dublin, we shall find about 13 times more houses in London than in Dublin; the houses of London are much better than those in Dublin, they are much better furnished, and the inhabitants much richer, in so much that perhaps one Alderman in London is richer then all those of Dublin, at least they are 13 times richer. If we look into the Custom houses of both kingdoms, we shall find a greater disproportion between the trade of the one and the other then 13 to one. And there want not those that affirm the riches of Great Britain to be at least 30 times more then the riches of Ireland, but I will take it to be but 13 times. 3dly. Let us see what Ireland has contributed to the support of the publick by way of taxes since it was settled after the Revolution, and we shall find that one year with another it has actually paid above 400,000l. And if we take in the management of the revenu above 450,0007. This will appear from the receits of the revenu, and if we put in the Trustee Act which cost Ireland at least a million, it will appear that Ireland has contributed much more then this. 4thly. When Ireland pays 450,000l. Britain ought in p'portion to the riches thereof to have contributed 13 times as much, that is 5,850,000l., but that it has not done. Tis true that some years six or seven millions were raised, but they never paid actually five millions, but mortgaged funds to pay the interest of the rest; now for a man to mortgage his lands is not to pay his debts, whereas Ireland actually paid within the year their taxes, and by that means kept themselves clear of debts. I find several things alleged as if they made a disparity between the case of Britain and Ireland; the first is that a great part of the mony raised by the Parlemt in England was sent out of the kingdom to support the armies and pay the allys for the men put into the English service. Whereas the mony of Ireland was spent in the kingdom, and therefore the people were not impoverished by it so much as the inhabitants of Britain. * * * * As to the charges of England in reducing Ireland, I will allow that in the 3 years the warre continued it cost England five millions, tho', I believe, that is a great deal too much, this was the sum of the loss; now as to Ireland, I believe the rents of Ireland may be computed at 1,500,000l. p' annum, now take the landlords of Ireland one with another and 'twill be found that they lost four years rents at least by the warre, for tho' the Courts did not allow so much, yet many gents lands lay wast five or six years, or they got nothing out of them, and many set theirs at a riseing rent, that is of the old rent for 7 years, for the next 7, and then to come to the old rents; so that computing one place with another and one landlord with another, the loss coud not be less then years of the whole, that is six millions if we adde the stocks of the cow kind, the sheep, and horses that were distroyed in the warre, these will amount at least to 3 millions more; by a certain computation there were in the diocese of Derry about 200,000 of the cow kind, 46,000 horses, besids sheep, hogs, goats, &c., of these there were left only 300 cows, 2 horses, 2 swine, and seven sheep; now if we compute those of the cow kind at 20 shill' a head and the horses one with another at 40 shill', in those 2 sorts there were lost to the valu of near 200,000l. in that one diocess, whereas the land there had in proportion much less stock than other parts of the kingdom and is not the 30th part of the whole. At the Revolution every one knows that Ireland was then overstocked and every 4 acres had at least a cow or what is equivalent to a full grown cow, and such cows can't be valued at less than 30 shill' one with another; if the stock was in horses or sheep, &c. it was much more; divide then 15,000,000 the number of profitable acres by 4, and the quotient is 3,750,000; multiply this by 30 and reduce it to pounds and it mak's 5,625,000l., the valu of the stock in 1688; but it is undeniable that at the conclusion of the warre of the stock did not remain, no not one 5th, and then you see that our loss in stock was much greater than I make it. Nor can it be said the stock was only driven from one part of the kingdom to another, for the distruction was universal, and so much that the grass was burnt in most places, there being no cattle to eat it, and yefore withered and being set on fire either by chance or designe, burnt in several places 20 miles, till some river or other accident stopped it. Let us adde to this the burning of houses and destruction of improvements which were reckoned to at least a million more and then the whole loss of Ireland come at least to 10 millions, which is double that of England in reducing it and for which no compensation was ever made. As to the loss of men, it is plain that dureing the 17 years of warre if we compute the Irish troops, private men, and officers that served the crown of England dureing that time, we shall find them at least to be double to the English subjects that were employed in the reduction of Ireland or were lost in it dureing the 3 years it continued, so that in this point England has bin repaid with interest. * * * * Perhaps some will doubt of the truth of this representation of the miserable estate of the common people of Ireland, but whoever has been in their cabbins have seen the matter of fact to be so and can vouch the truth of it. There are two sort of men that I except against as incompetent witness in this case: first, such English gent. as come over into Ireland on visits or business, and 2dly such gent of Ireland as live in England or that tho' they live generally in Ireland yet are as much strangers to the common people and their way of living as if bread in Turkey. I know these two represent Ireland as the most plentifull, luxurious countrey in Europe, and magnifie the excessive eating and drinking in it. To unfold the mysterie of this it must be observed that there are p'haps a thousand gent. in Ireland that live very splendidly, keep good tables, and make their frends welcome, when ther'fore a stranger comes to them they hospitally invites him, liberally entertain him, and do the best they can to make him welcome; thus he is feasted from house to house while he stays, and he returns into England full of the plenty and luxurie of Ireland. But he doth not consider that there are 300 thousand ffamilies in Ireland, and among all these hardly a thousand live in that condition in which the gent. lives who entertained him, and for the good dinner he mett there, three hundred neighbours or tenants dine on a potato without salt. This and the plenty in the good houses in Dublin deceive most strangers and gives them conceptions of Ireland most distant from truth. Most strangers that come to Ireland go no further then that city and only converse with gents. or the richer sort there, and never are acquainted with the povertie of the rest which is very great; p'haps a third part of that citty need charity. As to the Irish gents. that go to England or live there, they often know little more than theire ffathers house or the city of Dublin, and are in truth strangers to the common way of living in that kingdom, or if they do know it, either shame or vanity make them conceal it as much they can, which I take to be source of infinite mischiefs to the countrey and p'vok's envy instead of pity in our neighbours of Great Britain. And p'haps many of the laws complain'd of in Ireland ow their being to this mistake. I know that lasiness is commonly objected to the Irish and this is made the ground of their povertie. I own that there are some whose ancestors had great estates and lost them in the several rebellions, being forfeited and seised by the English, who give occasion to this surmise; now the posterity of these men commonly preserve with care their genealogies and still reckon themselves gents. and look on it as the greatest debasement in the world to work or exercise any trade; they live yrefore, either by robbing or on there clans who still pay them a respect and maintain them after a sort, but the common Irish are laborious people, and if we set aside the holydays their_religion injoins, they work as hard and as long as any in England. I confess not with the same success, for they have neither the assistance to labour nor the incouragement workmen have in England, their poverty will not furnish them with convenient tools, and so the same quantitie of work costs them p'haps twice the labour with which it is p'form'd in England; there are many accidental differences that increase their labour on them, as, for example, England is already enclos'd, and if a farmer have a mind to keep a field for medow, grazing, or plowing, it costs him no more but the shutting his gate, but the Irishman must fence his whole field every year or leave it in common, and the like saving of labour happens in the plow utensils in building houses and p'viding fireingNeither hath the Irishman that encouragement to labour as there is in England, he has no markett for his manufactories, if he build a good house or inclose his grounds, to be sure he must raise his rent or turn out at the end of a short lease. These and many other considerations make the Irishman's case very pitifull, and ought, as seems to me, to move compassion rather then anger or a severe condemnation. Upon the whole I do not see how Ireland can on the p'sent foot pay greater taxes then it does without starving the inhabitants and leaving them entirely without meat or clothes. They have already given their bread, their flesh, their butter, their shoes, their stockings, their beds, their house furniture and houses to pay their landlords and taxes, I cannot see how any more can be got from them, except we take away their potatoes and butter milk, or flay them and seH their skins. ROTHE'S REGISTER OF THE ANTIQUITIES AND STATUTES OF THE TOWN OF KILKENNY. It will be regarded as somewhat remarkable that a work of large extent on the history of an important town in Ireland, laboriously compiled by one of its chief legal officials towards the commencement of the 17th century, from public and private sources, should have been apparently unknown to historic and literary inquirers. The circumstances will not appear the less peculiar when I mention that the work is an unique collection of historical materials connected with Kilkenny, the antiquities of which have for some years past, through its local archæological institution, been made the subjects of diligent research and widely cir culated inquiries. The volume which has lain in complete obscurity to the present time consists of 133 leaves of vellum of large folio size, with the following title : "A Register or Breviat of the Antiquities & Statuts of the towne of Kilkenny, with other antiquities collected by me, Robert Rothe, of the same, Esquier, as well out of severall books, charters, evidences, and rolls belonging to the said towne, as also out of the Statuts and Cronicles of England & Ireland, and in especiall out of two books belonging to the said towne, thone called the *olde Redd Booke written in parchment, which in the notes and referrments of this booke is called Liber Primus by cause it is the first and auncientest book I can find amongest the Records of this towne, and the second is called the White †Booke written in paper, which in the referments of this booke is called Liber Secundus, also out of the cronicles of Ireland made by John Hooker contayning as it is nowe printed a hundred fourscore & one pages or sides which in all are fourscore and eleaven leaves, the first parte whereof is called the Conquest of Ireland, and the last the Cronicles of Ireland, bothe whiche neverthelesse for avoiding the farther troble of the reader I name in this booke Liber Conquest, that is to say, the booke of the conquest, referring all to one generall title, and lykewise I have collected out of an Auncient booke or Cronicle somtyme belonging to the gray ffrerie of Kilkenny written in velom in a faire attenticque hand by a friar called §Clyn div'se notes woorthy to be remembred, weh booke was shewed unto me by S Richard Shee, knight, and remaineth at this present in his custody, and the rest for the more part are gathered out of the cronicles of Hollinsede and Grafton, and also oute of sundry rolls and evidence belonging to my self and to divers other gentlemen and burgesses of this towne, whose names appeare in this booke in the severall notes delivered by them unto me." Robert Rothe was the first recorder of Kilkenny, under the charter by which James I. in 1609 advanced that town to the dignity of a city. In the preceding two centuries the office of sovereign of Kilkenny had been occasionally filled by members of the Rothe family.|| Before entering on a description of this work some observations may be made on the manuscript sources from which it was partly compiled. The "old red book called liber primus," now somewhat damaged, but still extant at Kilkenny, was described by me in Appendix to the First Report of the Historical Commission, page 129. The fragment now possessed by the Kilkenny corporation of the white book or "liber secundus" has lost nearly all the matter transcribed from it in the present volume by Rothe. The manuscript communicated to Rothe by Sir Richard Shee, which had belonged to the Franciscan monastery at Kilkenny, may have been the now missing original of the compilation made by Friar John Clyn in that house in the fourteenth century. Among the gentlemen and burgesses whose documents are quoted in various parts of Rothe's book the following are specially named by him: Patrick Archer, Patrick Archer Fitz Thomas, Walter Archer, John Fitz Lewes Bryn, James Grace, Adam Lawless, David Savage, and James Shortale of Ballylorcan. Rothe cites and gives extracts also from many instruments in his own custody as well as in the common treasury of the town of Kilkenny, including those of the dissolved Franciscan monastery granted on its dissolution to that commonalty. On the back of the first page are two entries. 1. Extract from Liber 1, page 1a.: act in French of A.D. 1230, for annual election of sovereign and council. 2. Memorandum that James by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the fayth, etc. by his highnes lettres patents bering date at Westminster the xith day of April, in the seaventh yeare of his highnes rayne of England Old redd book called Liber Primus.", "White book called Liber Secundus." "Liber Conquest." "Ffryer Clynn's booke." At folio 70 b. under A.D. 1465 is entered a writ of Thomas FitzMaurice, Earl of Kildare, chancellor, and Sir Roland Fitz-Eustace, lord of Portlester, treasurer of Edward IV., in Ireland, setting forth that 'much at the bussy and greate instance of John Rothe," burgess of Kilkenny, that town gave unto them nine butts of wine when of late they were there "with a puissant [force] of people, for noe ill will of the "inhabitants there, as God it knowes, but onely for the good wele of "English rule of this land and the unitye of obedience of the Kinge " our soveraign lord his liege people in this his land of Ireland, as it "well apperith by our demeaninge there"; xxth of May, 6 Edward IV, Kk France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the two-andfortieth. In consideration of the true and faithfull service heretofore don by the corporation of Kilkenny to the crowne of England hath incorporatid the said towne of Kilkenny by the name of maior and cittizens, and made the same towne and all the liberties and franchises thereof an entier countie (distinct and separatid from the countie of Kilkenny) by the name of the countie of the citty of Kilkenny lymitinge the bounds of the same as far as the uttermoste meares of the fowre parishes thereof do extend. And granted unto the said maior and cittizens authorities to elect a nominat yeerley twoo sheriffs and twoo corroners for the said city and countie thereof, with divers other liberties and privileges incerted in the said charter as by the same charter more at large may appere. The first leaf is followed by three without pagination containing the following:-The oath of the maior; statute for ordering of the revenues of the city. "The said statute appereth in fo. 221 of the greate booke b." Maior whilst in office not to take lands. Statute appereth in fo. 232 of the said booke b. Old maior to be justice of the peace. The oath of the justice of the peace. The oath of the sheriffs. The oath of the corroners. The oath of the alderman. The oath of the recorder. The oath of the clerke of the Tolsell. The oath of obedience to be ministered upon the Friday after Michaelmas yearly to every free man. The oath of the free man. The oath of the servants of the maire. The oath of the constabells. The oath of the master and wardens of the companies. The oath of the portref. These three numbered leaves appear somewhat more modern than the rest of the volume, the contents of which may be described as follows: Folios 2 & 3. Latin annals quoted from li. I., f. 29 b, with interpolations in English; notices of Richard Strongbow and his daughter Isabel, wife of William Maréchal, senior, and their children. Charter of William Maréchal to Kilkenny. Fol. 4a. Memorandum in English on coronation of Philip Augustus and armorial bearings of peers of France. Fol. 4 b. Latin annals 1132, 1221, from li. I., ff. 29, 30, and 31. Charter of William Maréchal, junior, to Kilkenny, 1223, from li. I., f. 4 a. Fol. 5 a. Obits of Maréchal family, partition between their heiresses and annals to 1272, from li. I., f. 4 a, 28 b, 30 a, 31 a, &c. Fol. 5 b. Grant to burgesses of Kilkenny of freedom of custom, A.D. 1275, 8 July, 3. Ed. I., li. 1, f. 4 b. Fol. 6 a. Order in French from Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hereford, addressed to his seneschal of Kilkenny and his treasurer there on purveyance of victuals, fifth of May, 4 Ed. I. Fol. 6b. From this leaf most of the pages are ruled into spaces for each consecutive year, commencing with 1277. Some of these spaces are blank or only partially filled, while others are entirely covered with matter from the sources mentioned on the title-page. Fol. 11 b. Divisio comitatus Kilkennie inter filias domini Gilberti de Clare, comitis Gloucestrie: Proparte domini Hugonis De Spenser et Elinore, uxoris ejus. Fol. 12 a. Feodum militum in Ouerke. Proparte Hugonis de Audeley et Margarete uxoris ejus. Feodum militum, li. I., f. 25 b. Fol. 12 b. Proparte domini Rogeri Damari et Elizabeth uxoris ejus. Feodum militum, li. I., f. 26 b. The leaves from 13 a to 18 b are headed " Transcript of an auncient roll." This is an annalistic and genealogical account of the Maréchal family and their descendants, together with details under the following titles: "Particio terrarum et tenementorum que fuerunt Walteri Mareschalli in Hibernia facta inter heredes ipsorum Walteri et Anselmi in curia domini regis Henrici tercii regis Anglie, anno regni sui tricesimo primo, tertio die Maii, apud Wodstock: Pars Matilde Comitisse de Northfolke et Waryn, primogenite filie et sororis ipsorum Walteri et Anselmi; Pars Johanne de Monte Caniso; Pars Richardi de Clare comitis Gloucestrie; Pars Agnete de Vessy et sex sororum suarum; Pars Matilde (filie Eve filie Wilhelmi Mareschalli) de Mortuo mari." Details of marriages and descendants of Matilda, Johanna, Isabella, Sibilla, and Eva, daughters of William Maréchal. Fol. 15 b. Extenta comitatus libertatis Kilkennie, videlicet particio ejusdem anno 1295, 23 Edw. i. Propars Hugonis de Spenser junioris et Alienore, uxoris ejus, de terris et tenementis que fuerunt comitis Gloucestrie et Hereford in Hibernia. De feodis militum que fuerant prefati comitis in Hibernia. Fol. 16 a. Propars Hugonis Audele junioris et Margarete uxoris ejus. Feodum militum, etc. Fol. 16 b. Propars Elizabethe de Burgo. Fol. 17 a. Regale servicium tocius comitatus domino regi reddendum xliiii. li. viii s. x d. ob. Summa cujuslibet propartis xiiii. li. xvi s. x d. ob. Grant of Edward I. to Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and his wife Johanna.-Westminster, 27th May, 18th year,-1290. 66 Fol. 17 b. Latin Annals commencing: "Ab origine "mundi usque ad nativitatem Domini quinque m. c. nonaginta novem." The concluding entries are on fol. 18b. as follow: "Anno Domini MCCCCVIII, in die Martis xx, viz. in crastino Sancti Barnabe, Apostoli, Arthurus Mc Morreghowe domitavit Fothard, Bargy et magnam partem destruxit et combussit earundem et pernoctavit apud Ballytery et in crastino ante recessum combussit Ballytery. Anno eodem, sexto die mensis Septembris, idem dominus Stephanus Scrope viam universe carnis ingressus est apud Tristildermot in Hibernia. Anno MCCCLXXXII in die Sancti Kenelmi, regis et martiris, Jacobus le Botiler, comes Ormonie, fecit conflictum super Hibernicos apud Thascoffyn in comitatu Kilkennie in quo fuerunt occisi sexcenti de hominibus Mc Morchowe. Anno sequenti in festo Sancti Luce, Evangeliste, idem comes diem clausit extremum apud Knocktopher. Anno MCCCLXXXVI combustio de Kilmekev per Arthurum Mc Morchowe, O'Karrole et alios et magnus conflictus super Anglicos in festo Sancti Kenelmi, regis.Finis Rotuli." "M" that Kinge H. 2 toke the great townes hee drove out to the outside the Irishry calling that part Irishtowne, and within the walls he called Inglishton." From folio 18 b. to 29 a. the contents include notices of English affairs in Ireland from 1169 to 1339, extracted from Liber Conquestus, Clyn, Stanihurst, Holinshed, and Grafton. At folio 29 b. the arrangement of a space for each year is resumed and copious extracts are given from the now missing portion of the "white book,” as well as from documents, with copies of acts of the commonalty so far as folio 119 b., where we find the end of the last entry of the proceedings of the town, A.D. 1544, under the sovereignty of Walter Archer. These are followed by charter of Richard II., alphabetical table of "statutes and privileges" and of antiquities, the latter ending at the letter n. The last entry in the book is on the back of folio 130, with the following heading : "Placita fractionis metarum tenta apud le newe Tholsell ciuitatis Kilkennie, vicesimo septimo die Maii anno regni domini regis nostri Caroli, Angliæ, Scotia, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ quinto et anno Domini 1629, coram Edmondo Grace, generoso, et Johanne Roth, mercatore, preposito de Chapman yeld civitatis Kilkennie predicte, juxta antiquam consuetudinem veteris burgi ville Kilkennie et nunc ciuitatis Kilkennie predicte.' The years for which entire blank spaces have been left by Rothe are as follows: |