Imagens das páginas
PDF

and fragments of letters are from Francis Godolphin, father of Sidney, afterwards Eirl Godolphin and Lord High Treasurer in the reign of Queen Anne (Francis was a stout Royalist and in the service of King Charles 1); letter and a fragment of a letter by Mrs. Godolphin, most probably the wife of Francis; and a copy of Queen Anne s letter, dated 10th (or 13th, see the Earl's reply) April 1710, to Earl Godolphin, on the occasion of her appointing the Duke of Shrewsbury to be Lord Chamberlain, and of the Earl's reply, dated the 15th of the same month.*

The first document copied, and which precedes the letters, is a printed form of application for a loan by King Charles 1, before the meeting of his first Parliament. It is addressed to James Prade, of Lelant, and asks the loan of 201. It was sealed with the privy seal, and has at the foot a receipt by Francis Godolphin (one of the persons named as receivers) for the 201.

The letters from Francis Godolphin begin in 1638-9, and the last is probably to be dated in 1645.

They relate to the movements of the King and of the armies on both sides, the King's dealings with the Scots, the public events connected with Laud, Strafford, and Finch (the Lord Keeper), and reports about them, parliamentary and other proceedings.

In one, undated, the writer mentions that the Londoners came daily to Whitehall and Westminster Hall in great numbers with swords and clubs, demanding justice against Strafford . . He adds, "The king shed "many teares to-day and is extreamly sadd."

In a letter of Aug. 1642 he recommends John Rogers to have powder and bullets needful for so many men as lie in the house.

In another, undated, he says that he has received the King's warrant to carry over 200 more for safeguard of the fort at Scilly for the summer; and that the estates of divers delinquents and the tithes of divers parishes were directed towards the maintenance of the place. That the woods of certain delinquents (named) were to be sold, and out of the proceeds OOOL in the first place to be for provision of a magazine of victuals at Scilly.

Mrs. Godolphin in one of her letters says she hears that tin will sell but for 7d. a pound in Bristol (Aug. 1643).

23 May 1660. Letter from Chas. Rogers mentioning the appointment on that day of Sir John Vaughan to be Lord Chief Justice.

13 Nov. 1668. Says that the King was expected from Newmarket, where he had seen a horse race.

Fob. 1669. Has hoard to-day, how true ho knows not, that there was a vote in the House for 800,000/.

12 March 1669. Sir Peter Killigrew is getting an Act of Parliament for building a key (quay) at Falmouth, but Sir William, he thinks, will obtain a proviso for saving his rights in the harbour-dues to him, as lessee of the manors of Penryn and Minster. Nich. Courtney is endeavouring an Act for the regulating of attorneys. Great debate in tho House of Peers about a separation endeavoured by Lord Roos from his lady, he designing to marry another woman. The Bill against Conventicles is past the House of Commons and gone up to tho Lords: it is sharp, as the matter well requires, but yet without a premuniro, which was once intended. ... A report that our countryman Kempthorno has behaved" himself gloriously against the Turkish pyratos . . . one ship against six . . . yet able to seize a very rich prize and bring her off.

28 Dec. 1669. Half a dozen highwaymen taken this week; some very eminent, such as Waldrou, Du Val, &c. . . . four or five days very hard frost; the Thames nearly frozen over.

12 June 1685. John Rogers, junr., gives an account of his journey from London. About Bran ford (Brentford) he fell in with Mr. Hambleton (some time bedchamber man to the late king), with two servants and himself well armed. Reached Bagshot at night. On Thursday Capt. Sashfield, an Irishman, and 2 servants overtook him, and lay at Sutton that night. Friday at Salisbury, overtook 5 companies of foot with 8 pieces of cannon and ammunition, which came from Portsmouth. Saturday, at Dorchester, overtook Col. Kirke's regiment of foot, who, with about 60 lords and gentlemen with him, well hors'd and armed, marched Sunday all day to Chard, being informed that Monmouth was then at Taunton; but news coming that he had gone to Bridgwater, all tho forces at Chard, about 2,500, Lord Oxford's regiment of volunteers, about 100, intended to join forces with the Duke of Albemarle, who with about 10,000 lay at Williton, and so to fight him as soon

• See Earl Stanhope's History, p. 418.

as possible. Friday last about 16 or 17 horso of Monmouth's met with about the same number of Lord Oxford's: all but 2 of the former killed: on our side only the lieutenant killed; which makes MonmoatL'o party decline him every day. . . About 30 gentlemen of Honiton secured and kept prisoners to prevent rebellious actions.

3 Oct. 1685. A news letter containing town, county, and foreign news and gossip; and a particular account of persons condemned for the Monmouth rebellion, viz., at Taunton Castle, Taunton Gaol, Bridewell, Ilchester, Wells, Bridgwater, and Exeter and Dorchester. In all 839 to be transported, 322 to be executed, and 45 to be pardoned.

Queen Ann<? in her letter to Earl Godolphin thinks that the title of Duke will reconcile the Marque of Kent to his loss of the office of Lord Chamberlain.

The Earl in his reply gives his reasons for not thinking the new appointment judicious.

Alfbed J. Hoe Wood.

MSS. Volumes of Irish Parliamentary Debates in the possession of Mr. W. M. Toeheks, M.P. for Finsbury.

Mr. Torrens has in his possession 37 MSS. volumes, quarto, of the debates held in the Irish House of Commons, between 1776 and 1789, with the corresponding shorthand notes contained in oblong note books interleaved with blotting paper.

The history of these volumes, so far as it can be ascertained, is as follows :—

The notes are believed to have been confidentially made by a shorthand writer under the direction of the Government, to the influence of which he probably owed the possibility of his presence in the House, as regular reporters were not admitted at that period. The collection was preserved till 1817, at the Stamp Office, King William Street, Dublin, when it was sold as lumber on the Union of the two Exchequers in that year. In 1842 these MSS. volumes were advertised in a catalogue by Messrs. Grant and Bolton, booksellers, Grafton Street, Dublin, and purchased by Mr. Torrens, to whose kindness I am indebted for these particulars.

Mr. Torrens has before now expressed his willingness to place the collection at the disposal of the Governors of Trinity College, Dublin, or of the British Museum. No notice has, however, as yet been taken of this offer with a view to publication.

Previous to his purchase from Messrs. Grant and Bolton, Mr. Torrens, to satisfy himself of the identity of tho matter contained in the shorthand notes with that contained in the MSS. vols., placed some of the former in the hands of experts to have them deciphered. The result of their labours was entirely conclusivo as to the date of the stenographic cipher known to have been in use at the period, and of the accuracy of tho transcript in the quarto volumes, so far as it goes; and they further expressed themselves satisfied that had they sufficient timo allowed them, they would be ablo to supply the lacuna;, which to some extent impair the completeness of the transcript, which is otherwise clear. Tho existence of these lacuna; lead me to think that tho transcript in the MSS. volumes is the work of a different hand from that of the writer of the original shorthand notes.

The hitherto published debates of the Irish House of Commons begin in 1782, six years later than the date of the earliest debate given in the MSS. vols.

Tho speeches in the published volumes, like those in the reports of the English Parliament, supposed to have been edited by Dr. Johnson, are essentially wanting in the marks of discussion as it occurs in a popular assembly. They bear tho impress of having been to a certain extent arranged and revised according to tho fancy of the editor, and the style characteristic of the different speakers is consequently in a great measure lost. In this respect the MSS. vols, present a marked contrast. I was able to appreciate the difference by a comparison of the accounts given respectively in the printed and the MSS. vols, of tho debates on the repeal of Poyuing's law in 1782, and the motion for retrenchment in 1783, during which the famous altercation between Flood and Grattan took place, which ultimately led to the arrest of the former by order of the Speaker to prevent a breach of the peace.

One of the speeches delivered on the latter occasion I have given below, as an example, with the speech as reported in the printed volumes placed in parallel Grattan's Speeclies editeifby his son, Vol. 1, p. 177.

columns. The difference between the two, it will be supplied arc in brackets [ ]. Beyond this I did not

observed, is considerable. I have supplied the missing like to go, the province of the Commissioners being

words wherever I thought I could do so with a pro- rather to call attention to the existence of documents

bability of being right in my conjecture. The words so than to give any lengthy extracts from their contents.

Mr. Grattan's Speech on Oct. 28th, 1783, on Sir Henry Cavendish's motion for Eetrenchment.

Printed Reports, Vol. 2, jp. 39; also Mr

'" The MSS. vols.

I shall not trouble you long nor take up the time of the House by apologizing for bodily infirmity or the affectation of infirmity. I shall not speak of myself or enter into a defence of my character, having never apostatized. I think it is not necessary for the House now to investigate what wo know to be fact. I think it would be better to go into the business as the House did upon another occasion without waiting the formality of the report of a committee. As to myself, the honorable reward that a grateful nation has bestowed upon me for ever binds me to make every return in my power, and particularly to oppose every unnecessary expense. I am far from thinking with the honourable gentleman as to the Speech, and I believe he will find instances whero economy has been recommended from the throne but prodigality practiced. This was the case in Lord Harcourt's administration, an administration which had the support of the honorablo gentleman; therefore, he of all men cannot be at a loss to reject that illusory economy which has so often appeared in the speeches of Lord Lieutenants. With respect to the Genevese, I never could have thought it possible to give the speech such a bias as has been mentioned, and that people will be deceived if they give credit to any declamation that infers from the words of the speech anything but an honest economy in applying the public money fairly to their use. The nation has derived great honour from this transaction, and I would be sorry to have it tarnished by inference and insinuation. In 1778, when the burdens of this country were comparatively small, I made a motion similar to this; the honorable gentleman then opposed me. I have his sanction now that I was right and ho was wrong; and I say this, that though gentlemen may for a while vote against retrenchments, they will at last see the necessity of them; yet though I think retrenchment absolutely necessary, I am not very sure that this is just the time to make it in the army, now when England has acted justly, I will not say generously, —now when she has lost her empire, when she still feels the wounds of the last unhappy war, and comforts herself only with the faithful friendship of Ireland. If in 1769, when the liberties of Ireland were denied and those of America in danger, it was thought unadvisable to retrench our army, there can be no such reason to reduce it now, when both are acknowledged and confirmed. When we voted 4,000 men to butcher our brethren in America, the honorable gentleman should have opposed that vote, but perhaps he will be able to explain the propriety of sending 4,000 Irishmen thither. But why not look for retrenchment in the revenue, and other departments. In my mind the proper mode would be to form a fair estimate of what would bo a reasonable peace establishment, and reduce our several departments to it.

[I shall not trouble you long nor take up the time of the House], not that I labour under any infirmity or affectation of infirmity. I shall not speak of myself, [I amj not reduced to an apology, I shall speak to the question, [I shall ask] merely this, shall the House now reject what we know to bo a fact, [while] at the same time we may not have in point of order sufficient information. I know the House upon former occasions, before the report of the committee of accounts, voted that the expense of the country ought to be retrenched. [It may be] informal till that report, [It is] not with the context. Perhaps [it may be] more advantageous to let the motion pass declaratory] [of] retrenchment, which every man must admit. I ought to be for Publick Retrenchment, because I have been the cause of public expense. [The] honour a great country has conferred upon me, my exertions which this House has been pleased to call meritorious—the public grant—so shall I deserve that reward by making compensation to this country by opposing every species of unnecessary expense. The [motion] does not go far enough. The Minister will not avail himself of it. I believe that the honorable gentleman will find instances of speeches where economy was promised and where that promise was violated in an administration favoured with his acquiescence. The administration of Lord Harcourt held out economy. I do also recollect that that promise was forgot. I recollect that the honorable gentleman was a supporter of the Government.* He of all men cannot be at a loss to know that illusory ideas of economy were held out in the speech of the Lord Lieutenant. It is necessary to come to particulars. I should be sorry [if] the Government were so misunderstood that it was supposed that it meant [anything disrespectful] to that glorious body of men [the Genevese]. Nothing was recommended but an honest disposition of publick money. [It is impossible] to conceive that either the Government or the Parliament meant to condemn the idea of a free country. This nation has deserved honour from the transaction. I should be extremely sorry it should be tarnished by anything. Resolutions of retrenchment are in some things negative, they must be accompanied with something more. Notwithstanding the resolution of 1771, a monstrous expense was incurred. A mere resolution is in itself inadequate. There was such a resolution in 1773, by the committee of accounts, "that the expense ought greatly to be re"trenched." I remember it was negatived. I believe that the honMe gentleman on the floor was one of its supporters. Another motion in 1777 I made, after every increase had been made in every article. The public expense had greatly increased. I remember the honorable gentlemen on the floor spoke against that motion. He spoke against that motion when [the public expense was] comparatively greater, for it [then was] comparatively greater. I do not agree [that] this country ever since 1771 in point of expense has beeu transgressing egregiously, but recollect [that] during eight years Government was honoured with his support. I state this not to reflect upon him; when [though] men shall speak against it and vote against it they will see the necessity of deserting their uniformity and exclaiming against [further expenditure]. I am very far from saying a reduction of the number of your forces [is advisable] at this moment. The proposition would be inadmissible. When Great Britain has justly, I will not say generously liberally, when Great Britain has justly acknowledged the liberties of Ireland, opened the plantation trade, and has adopted the principles of a sister, and when Great Britain has lost part of her Empire, this is not the period when Ireland should withdraw her army. The army was to be increased in 1769 when the liberties of America were in danger, when the liberties of Ireland were denied.

I do allow England has diminished her army. That is a paltry argument. She has not diminished her expense. An addition of four millions! Is that not [the case]? Therefore I say the situation of England, so far from being an argument for diminishing the army of Ireland, is an argument against it. [While] sparing 4,000 men to butcher our brethren in America [the sentences that follow are imperfect]. The best method would he this,—let us see what would be a reasonable expense for our establishment, let us form an estimate upon it. It would be better than a resolution of retrenchment. I should concur with the idea of the honblc baronet. [It would] be better to recur to methods more forcible to put a stop to expense which is not supported by necessity but must impede our growing commerce.

The speeches, it may be mentioned, are all given in the first person. In some places such little points are mentioned as the fact of Mr. Flood's having been very hoarse when he rose to speak, the words "very hoarse" being written in brackets between the name of the speaker and his opening words.

These various considerations lead me to suppose that the contents of these volumes are genuine, and may be found to contain information of importance on a very interesting and brilliant period of the history of Ireland.

Esmond Fitzmaurice.

* Mr. Flood was Vice-Treasurer in Ireland in the administration of Lord Harcourt.

Inventory Of Effects Of John, Viscount Lisle, And Earl Of Warwick, 1545-60.

Having had the pleasure of becoming acquainted with Mr. W. H. Turner, of Turl Street, Oxford, I have lately received from him, for inspection, a manuscript consisting of 14 closely written leaves of wire-wove foolscap paper, of the date probably of 1651; they were found by him, in the present year, neatly stitched together all round, and concealed, as a sort of padding, to give substance to the cover of some old book (now lost), which had lain unnoticed in the office of Mr. G. Dayman, Solicitor, of Oxford, and his predecessors in business, for probably upwards of a century

When discovered by Mr. Turner, the leaves in general were in fair condition, though somewhat tattered at the margins. On examination by him, they were found to contain a series of Inventories (A. D. 1645-50) of the clothes, arms, trinkets, and furniture, mostly year by year, with the Library also, belonging to John, Viscount Lisle, afterwards Duke of Northumberland (beheaded in 1563), at Ely House, London, with an account, in most instances, of how the various items were ultimately disposed of. By the kind favour of Mr. Turner, who is always ready to further the cause of historical and antiquarian research, I have been enabled to extract from its items a few of the more interesting passages, for the purposes of this Report.

The writing (cursive), though pale and somewhat indistinct in some places, is legible throughout, of fair character, and apparently that of the same person from beginning to end; J Hough most probably, who soems to have held the office of either steward or valet, at Ely House, to Viscount Lisle. The first series of entries occupies pages 1 and 2, and has the following heading :— "Thys apparell following my Lord Lisle had whan "J Hough was put to attend on his L. first, which was "Anno Domini 1545 and the 23th [«ic] of December." The second Inventory occupies pages 3, 4, and has this heading:—'"An Ynventory of all thapparell that my "Lord Lisle had yn the yere of oure Lord 1546: which "declareth on the one margyn whan any thereof wa« "made, and on the other whan it was yeven awaye." Similar Inventories occupy pages 5-17; for the following years, down to 1550 inclusive.

Page 18 has the following heading :—" A note of all '■ the velvet shoes that my Lord Lisle bathe had since "the 23 of December, which are in number 46 pare, and "2 pare of velvet slippers, 1545."

The items in p. 19 are entered under the following head:—"A note of all the buskyns, botes, and bote hose."

P. 20 commences,—" A note of rapires, daggers, "swerdes, and bucklers, in the Ynventorie omitted;" the list extending to p. 22.

P. 23 is headed,—" A note of all the stuffe that my "Lord Lisle hathe in the wardrope at Ely House, made "the last of Januario Anno 1550:" the Inventory extending to p. 27, and including, after a few articles of furniture, a list of his Lordship's wardrobe at that date, the books constituting his Library, and various articles of a miscellaneous nature.

One of the most interesting features in the Inventories of clothes in the earlier part of the manuscript (pp. 1-17) is the fact that in almost every instance the name is added of the person to whom the article was ultimately given, or how it was lost or otherwise disposed of. The items arc some hundreds in number: a number of those which have seemed to me most deserving of transcription arc here added.—" Item, a Spanisho cloke of brooue "clotho gardit with velvet, yeven to Mr Calverd at the "White Hall 1545 [6] Mar. Item, a cote of black velvet "therto, yeven to Mr Gilford Duddeley at Sulfolck "Place 1546 [6] Mar. ;"—it needs perhaps hardly to be remarked that Guilford, the fourth son of Lord Lisle, afterwards became the unfortunate husband of Lady Jane Grey.—" Item, a friscadow cloke edged with a "parement lace of black silk and goold, and a cote of "black velvet therto, bothe cloke and cote were yeven "to Mr Gilford Duddeley at Sulffolk Place, 1545, [6], "Mar 2. Item, a cote of crymsyn sattyn with 2 small "gards, thone of sattyn, thother of velvit, veven to Sir "Ambros Duddeley at Suffolk Place 1545 [6] Mar. 2;" —Ambrose, afterwards Earl of Warwick, was the third son of Lord Lisle; Harry, mentioned in the next item being his youngest sou,—" Item, a white sattyn cote "yeven to Mr Harry Duddeley at Michiltue [now Great "Tew, in Oxfordshire] 1545, Septr. 2." "Item, a vel"vet nightcap stollen at my Lady Garniches, 1545 [6] "Febru. 23. Item, a white satyn doblet, one of the boyes

of my Lord of Somersets kacnyn at Shene, 1547 Mar. Item, a doblet of crymsyn sattyn, stidchid ower thwart, yeven to Mr. Duddeley [probably John, the eldest surviving son of Lord Lisle] at Canbury, 1546 Maii 31. Item, v shirtes, wherof foure were yeven to nurce Amias at Canburie, to make handkerchers of for my Lord, 1546 Julii 20. Item, the fift yeven to Dovers wiefl'e at Michiltwe, 1547 September 4. Item, an inamiled cheane, wherof the half or there abotes was lost in the parke by Ryshemount, and the rest was yeven to my Lady Duddeley, 1547 Maii 9, Item, a black rapire stollen at my Lady Garniches 1545 [6] Februar. 28. Item, a velvet cote sett with roses and ragged staves of goldsmithes worke, whicho my Lady of Warwick [Jane Guilford, wife of Lord Lisle, created Earl of Warwick in February T547], had at Enveld, and yaue the cote to Sir Robert Duddeley [fifth son, afterwards Earl of Leicester], 1548 Janu. 8. Item, a doblet of black sattyn, and a pare of velvet hose, bothe yeven to one of my Lord of Somersets cokes at Shene, 1547 Mai. 1. Item, a white sattyn doblet, yeven to Homfray Yvans at Mr Ransfords to make a pare of briches and a pare of hose, 1547 Octr 4. Two [shirts] made in handkerchers at Peudley, 1548 Julii 20. Item, a crymsyn damaske gowne faced with luzernes, yeven Mr Harley for a gawshoke, 1549 November 3. Item, a gowno of black velvet with a square cape, faced with sattyn, transposed into foure pare of breches, and a pare of slippers, for my Lord, 1549 June 20. Item, xxxii poynted buttons, yeven to Mr. John Seamour for a velvet capp with xix pare of agglets, 1547 Apr. 8. Item, the same agletts sent to Mr. Seamour againe at Westmister by Homfray Yvans, 1548, Feb. 26; and the capp yeven to Thomas Lovell at Hackeney, 1548 Mar. 28. Item, a velvet night capp, lent to Mr. John Harley at Enveld, and not restored, 1548 December 4. Item, a wodkniffe and girdle, yeven to Grice at Michiltue, 1547 Octo. 23. Item, a pare of velvet hose, yeven to Mr. Aglionbe at Sion, 1549 Aprill 2. Item, 4 shirts, whereof two were made in handkerchers at Bewdeley, 1548 Sept. 20; and thother two, of black work, yeven to Mr. Aglionbe at Assherr [Esher] 1549, Apri. 12. Item, a velvet hatt, yeven to Mr. Aglionbo at Canburie, 1549 Mar. 27. Item, a cloke of frisado, yeven to Charles, the rider of my Lord of Somersets greate horses, at Sion, 1549 Mar. 28. Item, iii shirts, wherof one was made in bagg to put my Lordes shirtes in, at Canburie, 1548 Mar. 10. Item, a night gowne of caffa [? for 'taffa,' or ' taffata,'] faced with conic, and garded with velvet, yeven to Harry Vaine at Westmister, 1549 Julii 14. Item, a Spanishe ierkyn gardit with velvet, yeven to Sir Kychard Verney at Westmister, 1549 Nov. 10. Another [handkercher] yeven to Catesbe at Westmister, 1550 Maii 14. A velvet cappe lost in the pre vie chamber at Richemont, 1549 May 26. Item, a velvet cote, yeven to Gilbert Litteltone, at Ely House, 1549, Augu. 28. A black sattyn doblet, yeven to the Cartaker at Westmister, 1549 Deco. 2. Item, a pare of black velvet hose, yeven to Shawe, the poticaries man at Richemount, 1549 Julii 12. Item, 4 carchers, whereof 'one was lost in Sothwark 1549 July 10, other two lost 'at Reading 1550 Aug. and a other lost at Mr. Yorkes, '1550 Nov. 18. Item, 12 handkerchers, all wome and 'lost. Item, a white sattyn doublet, and a paro of 'white velvet hose therto, bothe yeven to Barnardyne Granado at Grenewich, 1549 Mar. 20. Item, a pare of black velvet hose, yeven to little Robyn that kepeth the Kyngs spaniells at Westmister, 1649 Febru. 19. Item a crymsyn sattyn doblet, yeven to my Lady Jobson at Westmister 1549, June ti. Item, 3 shirtes, wherof one was made in handkerchers at London, '1550 April 18; and another made in handkerchers, '1550 Octo. 16. Item, a doblet of black taffita, yeven to the Gromeporters man at WestmiKter, 1549 December 25. Item, a hat of grograine, lent to Sir Ambrose Duddeley at Richemount, and a brush, not restored, 1549 Julii 8. Item, a doblet of black sattyn, yeven to ltobyn that kepeth the Kynges spaniels at Westmister, 1549 Febru. 19. Item, a black sattyn doblet, 'yeven to Atkynson of the Kyngs stable at Grenewich, '1549 Mar. 16. Item, a Spanishe cloke, stidched with 3 stidchis, and faced with sarcenet, yeven to Steven trumpiter at Grenewich, 1550 Juno 18. Item, xii handkerchers, lost at sundry tymes. Item, a hat nf knit silk, yeven to Meryweithir at Grenewich, 1550 Maii 16. Item, a ierkyn of friso loithir, with a lace of ; black silke and goold, yeven to James foteman at Westmister, 1550 Maii 22. Item, two wastcotes of canvous, rent in pieces. Item, a shirt of blackworke, "which my Lady Duddeley yavo my Lord, cut in to "handkerchers at London, 1550 December 22. Item, "a shirt of blackwork, yeven to my Lord of Mistris "Cleffe, and after to Mr. Aglionbe at Grenewich, 1550 "Maii 2. Item, a velvet capp lost in the privie chamber "at Grenewich, 1550 April 23. Item, a bruahe that "my Lady of Somerset yave my Lord, it was stollen at "S. James, 1550 Sept. 16. Item, a velvet cap, lost at "the White Freres, 1550 June 9. Item, a velvet cap, "yeven to Sir Anthoni Kingstons lackey at Warwick "1550 Octo. 16. Item, a single damaske gowne gardit "with velvet, yeven to one Wakfield, yoamon of my "Lord of Huntintons wardrope at Westmister, 1550 "December 8. Item, 4 dosen and 8 damiscene buttons, "syxe cornerd, wherof 2 dosyn were yeven to Mr. "Gildford Duddeley at Westmister, 1550 Maii 18. Item, "4 buttons were cut of my Lords gowne in the privie "chamber by Mr. Fuwilliams [Fitz-William], and "never gottin againe, 1550 June 29. Item, 36 buttons "of goold, sex cornerd, and black enamiled, changed "for 31 pare of black enamiled agletes: which agletes "and 8 pare mo of the same makying and bought the "same tyme, and 39 black enamiled buttons, all sett on "a velvet cap, were stollen, cap and all, at Hatfeld, "1550 June 24. Item, a sengle night gowne of russid "damaske, yeven to one Verney at Heading, 1550 "Aug. 20. Item, a black sattyn doblet, and a pare of "velvet hose therto, bothe yeven to a lackye of Mr. "Kyngstons at Warwick, 1550 Octo. 21. Item, a "wastcote lost at Sainct James, 1550 Julii 28. Item, a "rapire, dagger, and girdle, which my Lord of Somerset "yavo jny Lord, yeven to Mr. Duddeley at Warwick, "1550 October 12. Item, 6 shirtes, wherof 3 were "of blackworke; of the which 8, one was lent to my "Lord of Rutland, and cold not be gotten agyne since, "at Hatfeld; an other changed at wasshing for a shirt "of my Lord of Warwicks, of white worke; and 3 of '* white work, wherof 2 were lost at the landry at Ely "House, 1550 Sept. 15. Item, 12 handkerchers lost. "Item, a black velvet cap, lost [in a wager] to Mr. John "Seamour at Reading, 1550 Aug. 12. Item, a wod"knyffe, yeven to yong Mr. Stannop at Reading. •'' Item, a black velvet capp, lost at my Lord of Huntintones, 1550 October 23. Item, a velvet cap, lost in "laye [? wager] to Jakes Granado, at Westmister, for "running at the ring, 1550 June 6. Item, a white "tafnta doblet, yeven to Robert Fakener at Warwick, "1550 October 12. Item, a canvous doblet. lost at Sanct "James, 1550 Julii 22. Item, a pare of red bote ho.se, "yeven to Sir Robert Duddeley in the way to Warwick, "1550 Sept. 20. Item, a hat of unshome velvet, yeven "to Mr. Gildford Duddeley in the way to Warwick. 1550 "Sept. 18. Item, a velvet ierkyn, yeven to pompes (? "pageant) at Westmister, 1550 November 22. Item, 8 "handkerchers, all lost. Item, a buckeler sword, yeven "to Mounsieur Tusshipre at Grenewich, 1550 Janu. 6. "Item, a russed rapire, stollen at Mr. Torkes, 1550 "November 14. Item, vi handkerchers, all lost. Item, "a shirt of blackwork, that my Lady yave my Lorde "for his L. newyeres yeft.

*' Item, 30 pare of black velvet shoes; wherof Mr. '' Aglionbe hathe had 3 pare, Mr. Beamont one pare, "Burfeld a pare, a pare left at my Lord Marges "[? Marquess of Dorset] manor at Gildford, a pare given "to Lichefeld at Sheue, a pare yeven to Mr. Lile, two "pare to Arnold, a pare to Hopton: and so ther is re"maining 10 pare of black velvet shoes at the wardrope.

"Item, 9 pare of white velvet shoes; wherof Mr. "Aglionbe had a pare, Mr. Verney a pare, Mr. Granado "a pare, Mr Gildford Duddeley a pare, a pare left at "Mr. Williams; and so there is 3 pare remaining in "the wardrope.

"Item, 8 pare of crymsyn velvet shoes; wherof two "pare was yeven to Mr. Duddeley, and an pare to Mr. "Aglionbe; and so remaineth 5 pare in the wardrope.

"Item, a pare of yello velvet shoes, Thomas Richards "had.

"Item, 2 pare of velvet slippers, wherof Mr. "Aglio|n]be hath thone pare.

"ItCK, white frise buskyns, 4 pare; wherof Sir "Robert Duddeley had a pare, Pullyn had a pare. Mr. "Aglionbe had a pare, Best had a pare. Item, black "frise buskyns, 4 pare, . . . Item, white roueskync "buskynB 2 pare . . . Item, buskyns black on the "grane syde, 8 pare; wherof Mr. Duddeley had 2 *' pare, Mr. Aglionbe 2 pare, tho hosier a pare, Mr. •' Merciall a pare.

"Item, 15 pare of botes; wherof Grice had 2 pare, "Mr. Aglionbe 2 pare, Pullyn one pare, Mr. Harley a

"pare, Julian Bominew a pare, T. Williams a pare, "Knagg had 2 pare, Nicholas Yrishe a pare, George

"Nicholson a pare.

"Item, 5 pare of bote hose of red; wherof Sir "Robert had a pare, Mr. Aglionbo a pare, and two "pare in the wardrope."

Under the head of " Rapires, daggers, etc."—

"Imprimis, a rapire, dagger, and gn-dle, parcial "gilted, whiche was yeven to my Lord of a stranger, "and my Lord yave the same to Mr. Edward Blunt at "Michiltuc. Item, a fine rapire, dagger, and girdle "of damiscene worke, which Mr. Harry Duddeley "gave my Lord, and my Lord sent the same to Mr. "Harrynton. from Ely House. Item, a rapire, dagger, "and girdle, black, bought at Richemont, yeven to Sir "Andrue Duddeley. Item, a rapire, dagger, and "girdle, black, bought at Richemont, yeven to Mr. "Duddeley at Westmister. Item, a rapire, dagger, "and girdle, black, bought at Richemont, the rapire "was broken at Westmister with plaing. Item, a "rapire, dagger and girdle, of damiscene worke, "bought at Westmister, yeven to Mr. Harley at West"mister. Item, a dagger that Sir Richard Verney "yave my Lord, the samo was stollen out of the "Chamber at Westmister. Item, a Turkic sword, "bought of Fissher at Hackeney, yeven to Mr. Thomas "Blunt. Item, a back sword yeven to Mr. Duddeley. "Item, a sword which Doctor Cocks gave my Lord, "and my Lord gave the same to Sir Andrew Duddeley. "Item, a sword bought of Fissher, yeven to Mr. Harrie "Vaine, and a buckler. Item, a sword that my Lord "brake on a tre at Sion, which Mr. Conisbe yave my "Lord at Canburie."

After a long enumeration of articles of furniture and the various items then forming his Lordship's wardrobe, among which are,—" Item, a cupboard whare on my "Lorde's bokes to stand," and " item, 2 pare of sloppes "of yellow cotten," — the books then forming his Library are enumerated, as follow.—"Item, thone part "of Tullie. Item, Locci [? " Flacci," meaning HoraceJ "et ./Eneadas. Item, Anthonius Luscus. Item, a boke "to play at Chistis, in Aglishe. Item, a boke to speake "and write Frenche. Item, 2 bokes of Cosmografye. "Item, a old paper boke. Item, Hormans Volgaries "[Vulgaria]. Item, the Kyngis Grammar. Item, "Sidrack and King Bockas. Item, a plainc declaration "oftheCrede. Item, Carmen Buco (Jolphurnii [Buco"licum Calphurnii]. Item, a paper boke. Item, "Epistles from Seneca to Paule. Item, aponapis [?] "of Mr. Monsons. Item, a Frenche boke of Christ and "the Pope. Item, a boke of Arthmetrik in Lattyn. "Item, a Tragidie in Anglishe of the unjust supremicio "of the Bisshopo of Rome. Item, a Play of Love [by "John Heywood]. Item, a play called the 4 pees [P's, "by Heywood]. Item, a play called Old Custome. "Item, a play of the Weither [by Heywood]. Item, a "boko to write the Roman hand. Item, a paper boke "of Synonimies. Item, a Greke Grammar. Item, a "Catachismus. Item, Apothegmata. Item, tho Debate "between the Heraldes [P temp Richard II., recently "published]. Item, Tullies Office. Item, Sententiffl "Vetcrum Poetarum. Item, a boke of Phisick, in "Greeke. Item, Aurilius Augustinus. Item, a boke "of Conceits. Item, a Italian boke. Item, a Italian "boke. Item, ad Herenium. Item, a Terence. Item, "an Exposition of the Crede, in French. Item, a "Testament in Frenche, covered with black velvet. "Item, an Anglishe Testament. Item, 3 little tables." Against these books, the consecutive numbers 2, 4, 8, 16, are placed, denoting the shelves probably on which they stood.

The following are among the concluding items of the list (p. 27).—" Item, an habord [halberd] that my Lord "Admyrall gave my Lord. Item, an armyng swerd "that Mr. Harry Duddeley yave my Lord. Item a "white home tipped with silver at one end, and hanged "in a grene bawdriek. Item, a white brush for velvet. "Item, a diall sett in white bone. Item, 3 dosyn of "red reband poyntes. Item, 2 dosyn of purple reband "poyntes. Item, a bouffe leither girdle. Item, 2 "shotyng gloves. Item, a raket. Item, false "scaberds."

Since the above Report was written, I have learned that this document has become the property of the Bodleian Library.

Henry Thomas Riley.

Chief Baron Willes's Letters And Observations On Ireland.

In the collection of Mrs. Willes of Goodrest in Berkshire, widow of the late Edward Willes, Esq., of Newbold Comyn in Warwickshire, are two manuscripts relating to the social and economical condition of Ireland about the middle of the last century, which appear to me of very considerable value for the history of that country. Having, through the kind courtesy of the possessor, had the opportunity of examining these manuscripts, I venture to offer to the Commission a short account of their character and contents.

Both volumes are the work of an ancestor of the present owner, the Right Hon. Edward Willes, who was Chief Baron of the Exchequer in Ireland, and afterwards a Justice of King's Bench in England, in the middle of the last century.

The first is a series of letters addressed by Chief Baron Willes from Ireland to his friend the Earl of Warwick, transcribed from the original, and, as it would seem from an allusion in one of the letters, collected into a volume, by direction of Lord Warwick.

The second is a collection of the autograph notes and memoranda made by the Chief Baron of his observations upon matters which fell under his notice during his residence in Ireland, with his reflections on the general condition of that country and its inhabitants. Many of these notes evidently served as the materials of the Chief Baron's letters to Lord Warwick, and are repeated or expanded in these letters. But a considerable proportion also are entirely independent, and relate to matters regarding which the letters are altogether silent.

Mr. Wilies, after a successful career at the bar in England, was appointed, as was not uncommon for members of the English bar at the time, Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer, in succession to Chief Baron Bowes, who in 1757 was promoted to the chancellorship of Ireland, with the title of Lord Clonlyon. Mr. Willes was appointed in the March of that year, and landed in Dublin on the 3rd of the following May. He held this office until the year 1758, when he returned to England, and died at Newbold-Comyn in the same year.

To this interval 1757-68, the Letters to Lord Warwick and the Notes and Observations both belong. Of the former only four bear dates, the first in 1757 and the fourth in 1762; but there can be no doubt that they all belong to the years between 1757 and 1768.

During this interval, beginning with the Lord Lieutenancy of the Duke of Bedford, and ending with that of Lord Townshend, was laid, as is well known, the foundation of the struggle which terminated in the assertion of the legislative independence of Ireland. But neither in the Letters of Chief Baron Willes nor in his Notes and Observations will any trace bo found of the subject or the progress of this political contest. The interest of these papers is almost exclusively social and economical; and in this particular they supply a body of information which will be sought in vain in any of the printed sources of the history of Ireland in the eighteenth century. They go at least some way to fill up the almost total blank in the social records of Ireland which lies between the days of Dean Swift and of Arthur Young.

The Letters to Lord Warwick are six in number, and might better be called reports, being written from the several circuits through which the Chief Baron travelled in his capacity of Judge of Assize.

The first is dated from Carlow, August 11, 1757, and contains a brief account of the Leinster Circuit.

The second and third relate to the North Eastern Circuit, which comprised the counties of Louth, Monaghan, Armagh, Down, and Antrim, the second letter being dated from Bundalk, March 28, 1759, and the third (written at the close of the Circuit) from Dublin on the 25th of April in the same year.

The fourth relates to the North Western Circuit, comprising the counties of Longford, Cavan, Fermanagh, Tyrone, Donegal, and Londonderry. It is dated from Rochfield (the Chief Baron's suburban villa), the 23rd September 1762.

The fifth, which bears no date, was written from Clonmel, and relates to the Minister Circuit, which at that time comprised Waterford, Tipperary, Cork, Limerick, and Kerry. It is very minute and elaborate in its details, and enters at greater length than many of the others into the particulars of the natural history of the district which it regards.

The sixth (likewise undated) relates to the Connaught Circuit, in which, along with the five shires of the province, Leitrim, Roscommon, Mayo, Sligo, and Galway, the county of Clare was at that time included.

It is remarkable that these letters hardly contain a single allusion to what might have been expected to prove for a lawyer the most attractive topic—the legal business of the assize, or the state of the law and its administration in Ireland. Probably, in deference to the tastes of his correspondent, the Chief Baron avoids all professional topics, and confines himself entirely to the social, commercial, and agricultural condition of the country, with occasional reference to its scenery, natural history, and such of its antiquities as might be expected to interest his friend.

It would be out of place in a cursory notice like the present to enter into a minute criticism of these valuable Letters. It will be enough for the purposes of the Commission to have directed to them the attention of those who feel an interest in that phase of the more recent history of Ireland which they represent. The Notes and Observations are chiefly valuable as a supplement to the Letters, in respect of matters not directly treated therein. The first letter, for example, that upon the Leinster Circuit, which was written within a few weeks of the Chief Baron's first arrival in Ireland, is very meagre in its account of the country comprised within the limits of that circuit, and is especially disappointing upon the ancient and important counties and corporate towns of Kilkenny and Wexford. Now regarding both these, much additional information is given in the Notes, among which I may particularize those which refer to that fertile field for speculation among British ethnographers—the Baronies of Forth and Bargy in Wexford. In like manner, it is in the Notes that the Chief Baron treats of Dublin and its institutions. Those notices of the capital, from the very form into which they are thrown, are loose and unfinished: but they contain many interesting minutiaj not noticed by other writers, some of them curiously illustrative of the spirit of the times.

It is on the more serious social and economical uestions, however, that the judgment of so able and so isinterested a witness is especially valuable; and I cannot help regretting that Chief Baron Willes's Letters on Ireland were not mado public during the animated discussions upon the state of Ireland last year. His account of the land system, such as he found it in his day, would have proved a most valuable contribution to the history of Irish land-tenure, and would have tended to show that the anomalies which last year's legislation was designed to remedy, were of ancient date, and had exercised from immemorial time that depressing influence on the fortunes of the country, which reached its crisis in the famine of 1846-7.

Even still, I venture to hope that they will attract the notice ■ of some judicious editor. The Letters, although transcripts, are in a condition of completeness (with the exception of a few blanks which could be easily supplied), which might relievo an editor from almost all the trouble of supervision; and in experienced hands, the "Notes and Observations" might, with little difficulty, be thrown into such a form, as at once to complete the descriptive account which the Letters supply, and to fill in some illustrative particulars in which the Letters may appear deficient.

C. W. Russell.

The Hengwht And Peniarth Manuscripts Of Wm. W. E. Wynne, Esq., At Peniarth, co. Merioneth.

The Hengwrt Collection has been long and justly famed for its wealth in valuable Welsh MSS.; but its value is not limited by those. It also contains numerous volumes in English, Latin, and French, illustrating the Civil and Ecclesiastical History, the Jurisprudence, and Romance literature of this country.

The Peniarth Collection is now united with the above. The whole are in worthy hands. Mr. Wynne has himself recently compiled a brief catalogue,* which is printed in a recent volume of the Archaeologia Cambrensis.

History.

Brut y Tywysogion. A 4to. volume on vellum, of the 15th century; used by Mr. Williams in compiling his edition (No. 16). Another copy also used by him. is contained in No. 51.

Brut y Brenhinoedd. Seven copies, mostly rather imperfect, Nos. 15, 27, 50, 305, 313, 315, and 318. Of these the first three and the fifth are determined by

• Mr. Wynne gave me the use of this Catalogue as far as No. 334, all that was printed when I was at Peniarth, and a portion of the remainder then going through the press.

« AnteriorContinuar »