said, yes, and to convince me, said, " Mr. Marshman wishes to know whether you now see him?" He answered so loud that I could hear him, "yes, I do," and shook me most cordially by the hand. I then left him, and my other duties did not permit me to reach him again that day. The next morning, as I was returning home before sun-rise, I met our brethren Mack and Leechman out on their morning ride, when Mack told me that our beloved brother had been rather worse all the night, and that he had just left him very ill. I immediately hastened home through the college, in which he has lived these ten years, and when I reached his room, found that he had just entered into the joy of his Lord,-Mrs. Carey, his second son Jabez, my son John, and Mrs. Mack being present. p. 63.

It is an interesting fact,' says another of the Serampore brethren, 'that the very last thing in which our dear Doctor appeared to take any interest was the Mission; and it must gratify our friends at home not a little to know, that his last thoughts respecting it were thoughts of gratitude, thanksgiving and praise. It was about the 22d of last month, that we received the delightful news of the deep and increasing interest that our friends at home are taking in the cause of God among us in this dark idolatrous country. The large contributions that had been made for the cause, and particularly the noble offering for Chirrapoongee-the many prayers that were continually ascending in our behalf to the God of missions—and the many cheering letters that brought this information, were all like cold water to a thirsty soul. When brother Mack took these letters and read the most important of them to the dear old man, as he was able to hear them, his heart revived, his strength seemed to return; and the whole day he was filled with gratitude to God and to his dear people, for the goodness thus manifested to the cause that he loved. I went in to see him shortly after Brother Mack had left him, and I shall never forget how the aged saint raised his emaciated hands to Heaven, and expressed his delight, though he was then so weak that we could scarcely distinguish what he wished to say-he could only speak in the lowest whisper. This was the last thing in which he took an interest. The last cord that vibrated in his heart was gratitude to God and his people on behalf of the mission. Very soon after this his mind began to wander. But this was still uppermost even in his incoherent thoughts. Often in his delirium he was anxious to get to his desk that he might write a letter of thanks to his friends at home, and particularly to that friend who has contributed so liberally for Chirra. In that part of the mission he always took a deep concern. He bore the half of the expense of the station himself to the last, notwithstanding all his losses. And he lived to see it in a very prosperous state, before he was taken to his great reward. Indeed it was one of the most consoling circumstances connected with our dear Doctor's removal, that he has left the mission in a more peaceful and prosperous state than he could have done at any previous period of its history. The little church that he at first formed has branched out into six and twenty churches now connected with the mission, in which the ordinances of the gospel are regularly administered! Often did he exclaim in astonished thankfulness, "What has God wrought! pp. 58, 59.

We are happy to learn that an authentic memoir of the life and labours of this great and good servant of Christ, is in preparation. In the meantime, this brief and imperfect outline will, we hope, be acceptable to our readers. Mr. Anderson will forgive our having made such free use of his Discourse, which we cordially recommend to the perusal of our readers; the more so, as whatever profits arise from the sale will be devoted to the printing of the sacred Scriptures in the languages of India. Mr. Christopher Anderson is already advantageously known to our readers, both as an able writer* and as a zealous advocate of the claims of Ireland and the Irish language. He now comes forward as the friend of India, and announces a work on the subject of that vast empire and its languages which we anticipate with interest. It would be matter for melancholy speculation, which of the two systems of fraud and error is likely to be first overthrown by the peaceful triumph of the Gospel, Paganism in India, or Popery in Ireland? The most effective instrumentality in each case is the same, the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God.'. And in order to render this available, it is alike necessary, in both cases, that the victims of error and superstition should be made to hear and read in their own tongue in which they were 'born,' the wonderful works and grace of God. How infinite the debt of veneration and gratitude which unborn millions will owe to the obscure Baptist teacher, whom God so wonderfully raised up as the instrument of giving the Bible to India in her many tongues!

Art. V.-1. Four Years of a Liberal Government. 8vo. pp. 40. Price 6d. London, 1834.

2. Can the Tories become Reformers? By William Carpenter. 8vo. pp. 32. Price 6d. London, 1834.

WI HEN our last Number left the press, the country was under the administration of a provisional Cabinet virtually consisting of a single minister, and that minister the Duke of Wellington. Since then, Sir Robert Peel has obeyed the call of his Majesty, and accepted the nominal premiership; but the complexion which, after various unsuccessful negotiations and sundry

* We owe many apologies to Mr. Anderson and to our readers, for having suffered his interesting volume on the Domestic Constitution to pass through one edition without receiving any notice from us. The unintentional omission has arisen from accidental circumstances. We shall be glad to have the opportunity of reviewing it in a second edition.

shiftings of place among its members, the Cabinet has assumed, renders it palpable, that the presiding spirit is that of the military Dictator, and gives to the liberal and moderate professions of Sir Robert Peel the character, if not of insincerity, of utter fallaciousness. The appointments are happily such as preclude mistake, and render deception impossible. They comprise the foremost and most determined opponents of any reform in the representation, the vehement opponents of the abolition of slavery, the protesters, specially against providing for the moral and religious education of the negroes on liberal and comprehensive principles,' the subsidizers of Don Miguel, the secret allies of despotism all over the world, the supporters of Popery everywhere but in Ireland, where Protestantism has got possession of the tithes, the patrons of Orangeism, the sworn foes to all that is liberal in policy and tolerant in religion-in short, the representatives of that very oligarchy which it was hoped, the passing of the Reform Bill had for ever excluded from power. Such are the men who have ventured to make one last and desperate effort to regain their pernicious ascendancy at the risk of throwing the whole country into confusion. And what is their first act? Το advise the dissolution of the House of Commons which they feared to encounter, in the hope of obtaining by their old arts of chicane and corruption, the return of a larger number of anti-reformers. It is understood that Sir Robert Peel opposed this bold, uncompromising challenge to the people; but if so, military decision has prevailed over the more cautious policy of the wily senator, and the dissolution will be announced in to-night's Gazette.

The return of the Tories to power under any circumstances would have been a calamity to the country; but it is aggravated by their having displaced a liberal cabinet on false pretences, and by the arts they have had recourse to, in order to deceive and defraud the people of England. Conservatives of every abuse in opposition, they affect to be, or promise to become, reformers in power. Sir Robert Peel, in his manifesto, pledges himself to act upon the spirit of the Reform Bill; of that very bill, to which in April, 1832, he declared he would never become reconciled. The more he considered it, the more he was satisfied, he then said, of its dangerous and mischievous character. Against this Bill the friends of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel have recorded their protest in the journals of the Lords, as revolutionary, subversive of the institutions of the country, endangering the security of property, and injurious both to rich and poor. This Bill they now not only profess to regard as a final and irrevocable settlement of a great constitutional question, which no friend to the peace and welfare of this country would attempt to disturb either by direct or by insidious means,'-but to be willing to adopt and enforce it as a rule of Government.

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And with this language in their mouths, they are raising money for the express purpose of nullifying, by bribery and corruption, so far as practicable, the provisions of the Reform Bill; having advised the premature dissolution of the first parliament convened under that very bill, in daring contempt of the rule of Government they affect to have adopted.

What must be the real character in the eyes of the nation, of politicians who feel it necessary to assume a false one? 'If,' says Sir Robert Peel in his address to the electors of Tamworth, 'the spirit of the Reform Bill implies a careful review of institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, undertaken in a friendly temper, 'combining with the firm maintenance of established rights the correction of proved abuses and the redress of real grievances; in that case I can for myself and colleagues, undertake to act in 'such a spirit and with such intentions.' This is the spirit of the Reform Bill; but was it not also the spirit of the Reform ministry which has been contumeliously dismissed? To impute any other spirit and intentions to Lord Melbourne's cabinet, is calumny. To profess to act in the same spirit as the ministers who have been driven from their seats, is to impeach the wisdom and justice of that exercise of the prerogative which has sacrificed the Whig ministry to the alarms of the Church and the intrigues of the Court, and visited the Parliament which supported their measures, with the only punishment of which the constitution itself admits. There is no honourable escape from this dilemma. Hence in addition to false professions, it is found requisite to have recourse to a system of virulent detraction and base misrepresentation, as degrading to the party in whose service it is employed, as it is injurious to the interests of morality. By a consistency in falsehood, those who now abandon the name of Conservatives for that of Reformers, stigmatise the friends of Reform as Destructives. According to the representations of their venal partisans, and in particular of that once powerful Journal, whose sudden conversion into a Tory paper is, perhaps, the most disgusting instance of unblushing political profligacy that ever disgraced the public press, the Whigs, the moderate Reformers, the real reform party,' had become suddenly utterly extinct; strange to say, the death of old Lord Spencer, by transforming Lord Althorp into a peer, produced a simultaneous metamorphosis upon the whole Cabinet, similar to the change which the death of a magician is fabled to exert upon all the victims of his enchantments. Only, instead of restoring their true forms, we are to believe that it changed their political nature from Reformers to Destructives, from Whigs to Radicals! But, if the Whigs have disappeared or suffered annihilation, we may comfort ourselves that the Tories also are extinguished. We are all Reformers now! Toryism, is confessedly, an obsolete,

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abandoned, worn out faction. Earl Roden has become a Moderate, the Earl of Aberdeen a Liberal, and secretary Goulburn, a Reformer! Reform is the name of the wooden horse by which these wily Greeks hope to smuggle themselves into the national confidence, and steal our Palladium. They-and who but they? the Knatchbulls and Percivals, the Herrieses and Wynnes, are the last hope of a falling State! And how is the State to be saved from destruction, the Monarchy to be upheld? Oh, by reform, of course; by municipal reform and church reform, by the correction of proved abuses, and the redress of real grievances: only let the New Reformers be suffered to judge what grievances are real and what abuses are proved, and then, no doubt, they will do all that becomes their new character. If the people of England could be taken in by such transparent pretences as these, they would deserve to have the whole locust army of Tories quartered upon them for the next half century.

To understand the tactics of the Tories, it must be observed that they have two distinct objects in view, the attainment of which affords the only chance of their retaining their power for three months: one is, to outbid the Whigs with the people, the other is to alarm the leaders of the Whig party, so as to alienate them from the people. To effect the first object, they take every possible method of depreciating what has been accomplished in the way of reform by the late Government, converting the clamours of the dissatisfied Radicals against the slow and timid policy of Earl Grey into an accusation against his government, although well aware that the difficulties which embarrassed the late Government, and the consequent decline of its popularity, were chiefly owing to court intrigue and the machinations of the high-church party. And at the same time, that they are endeavouring to destroy all gratitude to the Liberal Government they have for the time overthrown, and all confidence in the Whig Aristocracy on the part of the people, while they are affirming loudly that no materials for a Whig ministry exist, they are endeavouring to frighten the very party they are thus aspersing, by exaggerating the forces and maligning the purposes of the popular or Radical party. They would have it believed, that a gulf stands yawning for the Whig aristocracy, towards which, by some strange magic, all are impelled who join in the march of reform. And how is this gulf to be filled up? Is Sir Robert to be the political Curtius?

The drift of this double policy is, however, sufficiently plain. To the Radicals, the Tory scribe cries aloud, Do not trust the Whigs; they are lazy fellows; we will do more for you than they ever would. To the Whigs, he whispers, For Heaven's sake do not put yourselves at the head of the Radicals. The dishonest trick will not succeed. The Radicals and the Whigs