MARCH. 18 6.

Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain.

to explore and survey the ground across the aforesaid isthmus, and have fixed on a route or position for the canal, calculated, as they conceive, in every respect, to secure the great and important purpose of an uninterrupted navigation, and have made considerable progress in the work. They find, however, that to accomplish it, a greater portion of fortitude and perseverance, and more ample resources will be necessary, than the individuals who are embarked in it, can be supposed to L possess. The importance of the undertaking and the immense national advantages which may ultimately result from it, they hope will be sufficient inducements, to prevail on Congress to grant them such assistance as will enable them to complete the business agreeably to their original plan.

H. OF R.

longing to citizens of the United States, and their cargoes, being the bona fide property of American citizens, not contraband of war, and not proceeding to places besieged or blockaded, under the pretext of their being engaged in time of war in a trade with her enemies, which was not allowed in time of peace;

"And whereas the Government of the United States has repeatedly remonstrated to the British Government against these injuries, and demanded satisfaction therefor, but without effect: Therefore,

"Resolved, That, until equitable and satisfactory arrangements on these points shall be made between the two Governments, it is expedient that, from and after the day of next, no goods, wares, or merchandise, of the growth, product or manufacture of Great Britain, or of any of the colonies or dependencies thereof, ought to be imported into the United States; provided, however, that whenever arrangements deemed satisfactory by the President of the United States shall take place, it shall be lawful for him by proclamation to fix a day on which the prohibition aforesaid shall cease"

Mr. J. CLAY inquired whether it would not be in order to call up a resolution offered by him on the same subject.

The CHAIRMAN said it was not in order, after the Committee had determined to consider the resolution just read.

The committee cannot hesitate a moment in deciding on the importance and extensive utility of connecting the waters of the Chesapeake and Delaware, by a navigable canal. To adopt a phrase familiarized by use, they consider the project as an opening wedge for an extensive inland navigation, which would at all times be of an immense advantage to the commercial, as well as to the agricultural and manufacturing part of the community. But in the event of a war, its advantages would be incalculable. The reasoning of the petitioners is conclusive on this point. If arguments are necessary, their petition furnishes an ample supply to prove that no system of internal improvement which has yet been Mr. GREGG then rose, and said: Mr. Chairman, proposed in this country, holds out the prospect of such I cannot but congratulate the Committee on our important national advantages, as naturally result from having at length taken up the business to which a successful termination of their undertaking. I believe the people of this country universally Did the finances of the country admit of it, the committee would feel a perfect freedom in recommending expected we would have turned our attention on to the House the propriety, in their opinion, of extend the first moment of assembling in our Legislative ing to the petitioners such aid as the difficulty and im- capacity. Before we left our homes, we had learned, portance of their enterprise would be thought to jus- through the channel of newspapers, that outrages tify. But it is a question, whether, at this moment, of a most atrocious kind had been committed on the state of the Treasury would admit of any pecuniary the persons and property of American citizens, by assistance being granted. The amount of the public some of the belligerent nations of Europe. This debt, yet to be extinguished. the embarrassed state of intelligence has been officially confirmed by sunour commerce, and the critical situation of the country dry communications which we have received from in relation to foreign Governments, might perhaps be the President of the United States. From these considered as insurmountable objections against apply-sources we have derived the information that ing any public money to internal improvements, at this particular time. Under an impression arising from these circumstances, the committee recommend

the following resolution:

Resolved, That it would not be expedient, at this time, to grant any pecuniary assistance to the President and Directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company.

The report was referred to a Committee of the Whole on Monday.

IMPORTATIONS FROM GREAT BRITAIN.

irruptions have been made into our territory, on its southern frontier, by subjects of Spain, and that depredations to a very considerable extent have been committed on our commerce by the cruisers of that nation. The manly spirit with which these irruptions were resisted by the officers of our Government appears, for the present, to have checked the further progress of that evil; and it seems that the system of depredation has been discontinued, in pursuance of instructions issued by the Minister of State and of Marine to the Director General of the Fleet. These orders were issued on the 31 day of September, 1805, and are understood to have been produced by the remonstrances of our Minister at that Court. From these favorable rily arises that an amicable adjustment of the points symptoms, a presumption naturally and necessain dispute between that Government and ours is The Committee having agreed to take up the not to be despaired of. Should we, however, be deceived in this calculation-should similar agresolution, and it having been read from thegressions be repeated-we are not destitute of Chair, in the following words:

The House then, on the motion of Mr. GREGG

resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union-ayes 72.

Mr. GREGG moved that the committee should take into consideration a resolution, offered by him, on the 29th of January, for a non-importa tion of British goods.

"Whereas Great Britain impresses citizens of the United States, and compels them to serve on board her ships of war, and also seizes and condemns vessels be

means to obtain redress; and on such an event taking place. I presume we would not hesitate in resorting to the complete exercise of these means. I wish the prospect of an accommodation of our

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MARCH, 1806.

money. The important contest which now occupies their attention is not likely to be brought to a speedy termination. Even if the minor Powers should withdraw from the confederacy, there is no prospect of a speedy peace between the two great rival nations. They will most probably soon

differences with Great Britain were equally bright and flattering. But the systematic hostility of that Government towards our commerce, and its obstinate perseverance in the impressment of our seamen, notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of our Ministers, leave no room to expect an accommodation until we resort to such meas-return to the situation they respectively occupied ures as will make her feel our importance to her as the purchasers and consumers of her manufactures, and the great injury she will sustain through a total privation of our friendship.

at the commencement of the present campaign. The scene of Boulogne will probably be acted over again. The fleet of the one nation must be employed in guarding its coasts against an invasion This, it must be acknowledged, is a very import- by the army of the other. In this situation, neiant subject, and one which cannot fail to engage ther will be disposed to add to the number of their the earnest attention, not only of this Committee, enemies. Great Britain derives some advantage but must also excite the anxious solicitude of every from that predatory war which she permits and member of the community. On the course we authorizes to be carried on against our commerce may now take on the measures we may now and she also experiences some convenience in pursue will in a great measure depend, in my manning her navy, from the facility with which view, the determination of the question whether deficiencies are supplied by impressments of our we are to be a free and independent nation, or whe-seamen from on board our trading vessels. Interther we are to surrender that boasted privilege, est and convenience will induce her to pursue this and tamely submit to such indignity and oppres- system, so long as we discover a disposition to sion as our forefathers, even in their state of col- yield implicit submission; but let a national spirit onization, would have resisted with indignation. of disapprobation and resistance once discover In the discussion of a question of such magnitude, itself; let us once tell her, in the proud language in the decision of which we are so materially in- of independence, that we will no longer submit to terested, and on which the honor and true inter- this indignity and oppression, and we will find the est of our country so much depend, I trust we will practice relinquished, and our fellow-citizens libdivest ourselves of all party feelings, whether aris-erated from that degrading bondage in which they ing from our different pursuits in life, from geo- are now held, and restored to their country and graphical distinctions, or from political consider-friends. Great Britain is too well versed in the ations, so that our decision may be the result of a sound judgment, uninfluenced either by improper partiality or prejudice.

From the hostile conduct of the nations to which I have alluded, and from the pointed manner in which the President has recommended preparations for defence, an idea appears to have gone forth that we are to be immediately engaged in war. This opinion has received additional currency from a report made by a select committee of the House, recommending an appropriation of money to a considerable amount, for the purpose of erecting fortifications for the defence of our ports and harbors, and for building gunboats and ships-of-the-line. Did my sentiments accord with this opinion, I should certainly give this report my countenance, so far as respects fortifications, which, from their situation, are thought to be capable of affording any substantial protection. Even as things are, I may perhaps be induced to vote in favor of the appropriation for gunboats, to relieve the anxiety of some of our fellow-citizens, whose alarms appear to be greatly excited; and because I believe, from all the information I have been able to collect from naval and military gentlemen, gunboats will afford the most effectual protection, in the event of our being compelled to have recourse to defensive measures, by any occurrences that may hereafter take place.

But here I must be permitted to declare that I have no apprehensions whatever of a war. The present situation of the nations of Europe furnishes no ground for entertaining such apprehensions. Their present engagements furnish ample employment for all their resources, both of men and

business of calculation, and too well acquainted with her own interest, to persevere in this lawless system at the hazard of losing customers, whose annual purchases of her manufactures and other merchandise exceeds, I believe, thirty millions of dollars.

In searching for materials to substantiate the facts stated in the preamble to the resolution, it is only necessary to refer to the history of the conduct of the British Government towards us for a very short period. By turning a few pages of that history we will find that a large number of our fellow-citizens have been forcibly taken from their homes-for his ship is a seaman's homehave been put on board British ships of war and compelled to fight her battles against a Power between whom and her own Government there exists no difference. The general notoriety of this truth precludes the necessity of a reference to any particular document to prove the correctness of the statement. Was such a reference necessary, I might point to a report from the Department of State, made at the last session of Congress. In that report we find that, at that time, fifteen hundred and thirty-eight persons, claiming to be American citizens, had been able to extend their application for relief to their own Government; and though Great Britain claimed some of these as her subjects, agreeably to her doctrine of nonexpatriation, the great mass was acknowledged to be Americans, for whose detention no other cause could be assigned but because she stood in need of their service. And is it not a fair presumption that this number was but a small proportion of those who were actually impressed? Changed

MARCH, 1806.

Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain.

from ship to ship, and the vessels in which they are frequently changing their station, and guarded with the most scrupulous attention, it is almost impossible for them to find any opportunity of applying to their own Government or any of its officers for relief.

H. OF R.

luminous and ample discussion, and the right insisted on by us has been placed on such ground, and supported by reasoning so clear, so cogent, and so conclusive, that Great Britain, with all her boasted talents, will find it extremely difficult to find answers for them.

This open, this flagrant violation of our rights But even admitting the British doctrine to be as men, and as citizens of an independent nation, correct, what, I would ask, has been the conduct certainly demands the interposition of Govern- of that Government under it? Has it been that ment. To what cause are we to ascribe the neg- of a nation actuated by motives of liberality and lect with which these unfortunate men have been friendship? Has it been that of a civilized and treated? A few years ago, when some of our polished nation? Has it been such as justice and people had the misfortune to be made prisoners the fair and honorable conduct of our Government by the Algerines, and at a later period, when has given us a right to expect? No person, I some others fell into the hands of the Tripolitans, think, is prepared to answer in the affirmative. It the feelings of the Government and of the whole does not appear that the principle was practised country were alive. All voices united in requir- on during the last, nor for some time after the ing the energy of the Government to be exerted, commencement of the present war. I will not and its purse to be opened, so that no means to undertake absolutely to say that they relinquished obtain the liberty of the captives might be left it, but the trade which it now prohibits was peruntried. Success has crowned these endeavors, mitted to be carried on to a great extent without and those who were unfortunately slaves are now any interruption from their cruisers, Numbers, enjoying their freedom. In what respect, I would allured by the prospect of gain, were induced to ask, does the situation of those who have been engage in the profitable business, and supposing impressed from on board their own vessels, and themselves safe under the protection of law, had who are forcibly detained on board British ships their vessels and effects seized to a large amount. of war, differ from that of the Algerine and Tri-The capture and condemnation of their property politan prisoners? So far as respects the Government, the infringements of its rights are greater in the former than in the latter case. The situation of the individual is no better. A wound inflicted by a British cat-of-nine-tails is not less severely felt than if it had proceeded from the lash of an Algerine. The patient submission with which we have so long endured this flagrant outrage on the feelings of humanity and on the honor of our country, must have excited the astonishment of the whole world; but it must also have impressed them very forcibly with an idea of the moderation of our Government, and of its strong predilection for peace. I trust, however, we will now show them that there is a point beyond which we will not suffer; that even although we may not think it advisable to make reprisals, we will at least withdraw our friendly intercourse from that Government, whose whole system of conduct towards us has been that of distress and degradation; and that, as the business is now taken up, it will be pursued with zeal and ardor, until relief is extended to this unhappy class of sufferers, and security obtained against similar aggressions on their persons in future, by such arrangements as ought to be deemed satisfactory.

In relation to the capture and condemnation of our vessels, contrary to what we consider, and to what I verily believe to be the law of nations, I shall not detain the Committee with many observations. I have no intention of entering into a discussion of the, abstract question, whether a trade is justifiable in war which is not open in time of peace. I will only observe, that on the principles of reason and justice, and from such authors as I have had an opportunity of consulting, the right for which we contend does appear to me to be clearly established. In some late publications, this question has received a very

was to them the first promulgation of the law. Ignorance of what it was impossible for them to know, was imputed to them as a crime, and an honorable dependence on the justice of a Government professing to be friendly, was prosecuted with penalty and forfeiture.

But even independent of our just cause of complaint arising from this principle, apparently new, thus unjustly brought into operation, how has that Government conducted in relation to captures, in which, after the most minute investigation, all the ingenuity of her courts have not been able to discover any principle to warrant the condemnation? The perplexing difficulties, the vexatious delays, and the enormous expense attending the prosecution of a claim through every stage of its progress, place an almost insurmountable barrier in the way of obtaining justice. In fact, all her commercial maxims, and the whole system of her conduct, discover a manifest intention, a fixed determination, to consummate the ruin of the commerce of this country.

I am aware, Mr. Chairman, that many of the captures and condemnations, of which we have heard such loud complaints, are strictly warranted by the law of nations. An immoderate desire of gain very frequently leads the merchants to engage in a trade which the universal consent of all nations has declared to be unlawful. This observation will, however, perhaps apply with more propriety to foreigners, who have fixed their residence among us, to enjoy the advantage of trading under our neutral rights, than to the real American merchant. This description of men, under no influence of patriotism, and too generally unrestrained by any principles of justice, pursue their object, wholly regardless of the interest of the country, or of any injurious consequences to which it might be subjected through

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Non Importation of Goods from Great Britain.

their misconduct. I have no idea of involving my country in any difficulty on account of these people or their trade. As they are citizens of the world, equally attached to every country, I would always willingly surrender them, to be punished according to the laws of whatever country they might be found transgressing. But in withhold ing protection from these lawless adventurers, let us not withdraw it from the real American merchant. Acting from motives of patriotism as well as of gain, he combines his own interest with that of his country. While he is accumulating wealth to himself, he is adding to the revenue and riches of his country; and while he is searching a market for the productions of the farmers, he is discovering something that may contribute

MARCH. 1806.

of war-freight and insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands,

"But it is as a resource for defence, that our navigation will admit neither neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances of the United States leave them nothing to fear on their landboard, and nothing to desire beyond their present rights. But on their seaboard they are open to injury, and they have there, too, a done by possessing a respectable body of citizen seacommerce that must be protected. This can only be men, and of artists and establishments in readiness for ship-building."

British Government towards us, and I have conFrom this very brief view of the conduct of the fined it merely to the points stated in the preamble to the resolution; every candid, every unprejudiced person. I think, must acknowledge, that we are arrived at a crisis; that we have reached a period at which the honor, the interest, and the public sentiment of the country, so far as it has The evil we have already suffered is great, and it been expressed, call loudly on us to make a stand. is progressing. Like a cancerous complaint, it is penetrating still deeper towards our vitals. While we yield year after year, Great Britain advances I step by step; yet a little longer and our commerce will be annihilated, and our independence sub

to their convenience and comfort. He is a necessary link in the chain of our society. There is a mutual dependence betwixt him and the farmer. The interest of the one is promoted by the success of the other. This being the case, these two classes should be extremely cautious how they suffer that kind of jealousy to grow up betwixt them, that might eventually prove a source of distress and calamity to them both.

I hope it will not be inferred from anything have said, that I am going to be an advocate for the protection, even of American merchants, in that wild, extravagant carrying trade, to which some of them appear to extend their views. I shall never agree to risk the peace and safety of the nation in such a cause. Even in doubtful cases, or where the law was not perfectly clear, if they would embark their property, let it be at their own hazard. But in carrying on the direct trade of our country, and even in the carrying trade, while they confine themselves within the acknowledged law of nations, I think they are entitled to protec

tion.

verted.

Here the great difficulty presents itself. What are the proper steps to be taken ? what measures that we can adopt will be most likely to effect the object we have in view, and in its operation produce the smallest inconvenience to ourselves? I, sir, have reflected much on this subject. I have considered, so far as I was capable, the bearing which every measure which I have heard proposed would have on it. The result of my reflections is, that, under all the circumstances of the case, the resolution, which is now the subject of And, sir, in affording this protection, I take it immediate discussion, ought to be adopted. What that we are promoting the real interest of the is the resolution? what does it say? It addresses country. By cherishing navigation, to a certain Great Britain in this mild and moderate, though extent, we secure to ourselves, at all times, the manly and firm language: You have insulted the means of procuring a market for such articles as dignity of our country by impressing our seamen, we have for sale; we furnish means for promoting and compelling them to fight your battles against industry, and we make provision for the mainte-a Power with whom we are at peace. You have nance of men, on whose bravery and exertions, in the event of war, we must always rely very much for our defence. On this subject, I cannot express my sentiments better than I find them expressed in a report made by the present Chief Magistrate while Secretary of State, and which I consider as declaratory of the true interests of the nation. I shall therefore take the liberty of reading a paragraph of that report.

plundered us of much property by that predatory war which you authorize to be carried on against our commerce. To these injuries, insults, and oppression, we will submit no longer. We do not, that ought to subs st between nations, connected however, wish to destroy that friendly intercourse by the ties of common interest, to which several The citizens of our country and the subjects of considerations seem to give peculiar strength. tual wants, no doubt feel a wish to preserve their yours, from the long habit of supplying their muintercourse without interruption. To prevent such interruption, and secure against future ag

"It [that is, navigation, as a branch of industry] is valuable, but, as a source of defence, is essential. Its value as a branch of industry is enhanced by the dependence of so many other branches on it. In times of general peace it multiplies competitors for employ-gressions, we are now desirous of entering into ment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war-that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers shall be at war with each other-if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be exported in belligerent vessels, at the increased expense

such arrangements as ought to be deemed satisfactory by both parties. But if you persist in your hostile measures. if you absolutely refuse acceding to any propositions of compromise, we must slacken those bonds of friendship by which we have been connected, you must not expect

MARCA. 1806.

Non-Importation of Goods from Great Britain.

H. OF R.

enue. This was brought particularly into view some days after in the form of a preface to a resolution on this same subject offered by a gentleman from Maryland.

hereafter to find us in your market, purchasing osition to the consideration of this House, I was your manufactures to so large an amount. What so forcibly impressed with the propriety of adoptwill the people of this country say of this propo-ing it, that I had no expectation it would meet sition? Will they not be ready to exclaim. that with any opposition. It was not until a resoluit is too mild for the present state of things? What tion was laid on the table, calling on the Secrewill be the opinion of foreign Governments re-tary of the Treasury for a statement of our exspecting it? Will they not say that we have ex-ports and imports to and from Great Britain and tended the principle of moderation too far? What her dependencies, that I had any suspicion it must be its impression on Great Britain herself? would be opposed. When that call was made, I Sir, if she is not lost to every sense of national began to presume an opposition was intended, justice, she must acknowledge its equity and fair- and that the opposition would be grounded on the Dess. But I would inquire particularly what supposed effect which the adoption of the measwould be its operation on the people of that coun-ure now under discussion wauld have on the revtry? If carried into effect. I believe it will strike dismay throughout the Empire. Its operation will be felt by every description of people, but more especially by the commercial and manufacturing part of the community. The influence of these too classes is well known in that country. They are the main pillars of its support. They are the sources of its wealth. Their representations, therefore, are always attended to. And what language must they speak on this occasion? It must be evident that a regard to their own interest will lead them to remonstrate loudly against that system, which will produce an annual defalcation in the sale of their manufactures, of thirty millions of dollars. This is their vulnerable part. By attacking them in their warehouses and workshops we can reach their vitals, and thus raise a set of advocates in our favor, whose remonstrance may produce an abandonment of those unjust priuciples and practices, which have produced the solemo crisis.

We were told, then, that our imports from Great Britain and her dependencies, amounted annually to $25,000,000, and that, at the average rate of duty of twenty per cent. the revenue would, of course, be affected to the amount of $5.000.000. That the revenue will be partially affected by the proposed measure is readily admitted; and if it should be affected to such an extent, as to retard the extinguishment of the national debt a single day beyond the time fixed by law for its final redemption, I would certainly regret it very sincerely. No person in this country can wish more anxiously to see that debt paid than myself. But, sir, do not believe the effect on the revenue will be by any means so great as has been stated. The average duty on imports from Britain does not, I believe, amount to 20 per cent., and therefore the defalcation in the revenue will not be so great as has been stated, even admitting that we do not import froin other countries. But is it to be supposed that the enterprise and industry of the merchants are to be wholly paralyzed by this measure? Will they lay up their vessels in their docks, and shut up their money in their chests? No, sir; when they find themselves excluded_by law from British markets, they will resort to other countries, and no doubt they will find goodu to answer our purpose quite as well as many of the gewgaws we get from England, and quite as many as we will be able to find money to pur chase.

But, Mr. Chairman, should Great Britain, contrary to our wishes, and certainly contrary to her own true interest, persist in her ill-starred policy, what must be the effect of such conduct on herself? and how will we be ultimately affected by it? Shut out from British markets, our merchants will obtain a particular supply from other countries, and we will resort to domestic manufactures to make up the deficiency. Should this system be adopted, Britain may find it difficult to recover our custom. It is certainly a subject of serious regret that, owing to the large importation and extensive consumption of British goods, domestic manufactures have nearly vanished. I do not expect to see the establishment of large manufac- It has been said, also, that the price of our extories in this country. The extensive vacant ter- ports is to be greatly affected by this measure. The ritory we possess furnishes such powerful induce- article of cotton has been particularly mentioned. ments for settling on land, that few are to be found Why, sir, the resolution does not say a word about willing to be confined within the narrow limits of exports. It is entirely silent as to them. They a manufactory. Should, however, such establish- are left at liberty to go to those markets where ments be set on foot, I have no doubt they would they have heretofore found purchasers, or to search receive a large accession of workmen from the for new ones, as it may suit their convenience. numbers which a non-importation act would com- The adoption of the measure may produce a mopel to leave their present homes, in search of em-mentary diminution of price, and this inconveployment in this and other countries. But my present view does not extend to these establishments on so large a scale. I want to see every family a little manufactory, vieing with each other in the excellency of their workmanship. and exhibiting, in their dresses, specimens of their ingenuity and industry.

Mr. Chairman, when I first submitted this prop9th CoN.-18

nience will be promoted by the representations of designing speculators, who are continually roaming through the country to take advantage of the ignorant and unwary. But, when the first impression is removed, our productions being either necessaries of life, or materials for manufactures, will be in demand, and sought for, and purchased, at a price correspondent to that demand. But,