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A SUMMER TOUR ALONG THE SILVER STREAK.

A Series of Papers descriptive of Seaside Resorts on the English and French Coasts.

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ance in this valley as to be a distinguishing feature. Place-names with the Celtic coll, or the Saxon CONTENTS.- N° 187. haesel, are very rarely found. Had copses or NOTES:-Derivation of Calder, 61-Norwich in Time of shaws of hazel-trees flourished to such an extent Stephen, 62-Exhibited Portraits, 63-Number of Ancestors as to give a name to the river, their former exist-Smoking Rooms-Buckenham Pedigree, 65-New Way of ence would still be traceable in the abiding telling Time-Assassin-Bold-Deity for Sale-Crowflower nomenclature of the country through which the -Peers' Titles-Why as a Surname, 66. Calder runs its course. To these conjectures of QUERIES:-"A right mitre supper"-Villikins-Arundel- the derivation of Calder I venture to add another, "A_Robinson" - Mrs. Serres, 67-23rd Royal Welsh viz., from two Celtic words, caoill, a wood, and Voltaire-"Pynson" Volume-Sir Walter Tirell's Burial-dur, water, the river winding through the woods.

Fusileers-Velocemen - Lady Grace Edham-Verses by

place White Pigeons-Heraldic, 68- Paul HerringAccociation Club-Authors Wanted, 69.

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A great deal may be brought forward in support of Whitaker's suggestion. The Danes unquestionably won and maintained a lasting hold on the hills overlooking the Calder. As soon as this mountain-born stream assumes the dignity and proportions of a river at Todmorden, it washes on the one hand Langfield, the Long Range of Hills, and on the other Stansfield, the Stony Range, whilst a few miles lower down it flows at the foot of Norland, the Northland-all Danish, or more correctly Scandinavian, terms. Then, on the slopes rising from the south banks, we have Sowerby and Fixby, two ancient "by's," where families of predatory Danes took up their abode. Other nomenclature traces of the same nation, of

"New Facts relating to the Chatterton Family "-"The the great Canute himself possibly, might be men

Annual Register."

Notices to Correspondents.

Notes.

DERIVATION OF CALDER IN YORKSHIRE. The derivation of this word has continued to be a matter of controversy ever since antiquaries have written on the subject.

The Calder, one of the most beautiful of northern rivers, rises near Cliviger Dene, in Lancashire, and enters the county of York through a wild gorge at Todmorden. The valley along which it winds its irregular way is very lovely and romantic, and associated with no little poetic legend and romance. The Rev. Thomas Wright, who published a work on the antiquities of the parish of Halifax, where he was curate for more than seventeen years, noticing the Calder, stated that the spring is called Cal or Col, and is joined by the river Dar. This is a purely fanciful supposition, and, I believe, not borne out by facts. Another historian surmised that the original Celtic name was Dur, and that the Saxons on settling here added the adjective ceald, or cold. But this is very improbable, the river in question being no colder than any other. Dr. Whitaker suggested a Danish derivation, Kaldur. An able writer in a recent work on Yorkshire gives the derivation from two Celtic words, coll, the hazel-tree, and dur, water. There is nothing to be urged against this except the fact that hazel-trees never grew in such abund

tioned in favour of the argument on this side of the question; though (I write from memory) I believe Dr. Whitaker himself did not point out the surrounding Danish indications I have here advanced.

But more, I think, can be urged in support of the derivation from the Celtic caoill and dur. That Celts, the Brigantian clan, lived in this locality, is a certainty, the proofs of which need not be here adduced. The Calder beck so soon as it issues from the spring in Cliviger Dene flows by a long stretching sweep of woodland, and further on among the hills of Yorkshire, a broader and a nobler stream, pursues its course for miles and miles through dense primæval forests, among which may be noticed the once famous forest of Hardwick. Its precipitous banks were clothed with no mere hazel coppice, but with vast masses of the more majestic oak and ash and birch, woodland in its wilder and more imposing form. Even to-day, though most of the primæval forest has been cut down and manufacturing villages have sprung up on the ancient sylvan sites, the tourist starting above Todmorden would not, in a walk of thirty miles by the river side, be able to lose sight of the picturesque and farstretching belts of woodland scenery. It is yet emphatically the Caoill-dur, the water winding through the woods. Of course in this case the Saxons took up the word as they found it in use among the conquered Celts. Then, to strengthen this conjecture, the very first tributary brook on the north—of size and importance, at least, to give

a name to the valley-joining the parent stream is the Colden or Caldene, which probably is the Caoill-dene, the woodland valley. The reader will judge how accurately the word describes this lonely mountain glen when he is told that at a distance the eye can scarcely catch a flash of the waters of this stream as they hurry down this wild sylvan region, so thickly is it overshadowed by a forest of ash and birch. A topographical word derived from two languages is rare in this part, and when we come across one it is generally a Saxon grafted on the more primitive Celtic name of mountain or river. Colden or Caldene is probably an instance to the point.

That caoill was contracted to, or commonly pronounced cal may be pretty safely supposed when we know that in the Latinized form or transformation it became cal, as in Caledonii-that is, Caoill daoin, the people inhabiting the woods. The reader will perceive that caoill is evidently closely akin to the Greek kalov, which also signifies a wood. Some authorities derive Celt from the same root, that is, the people inhabiting the woods. It is only fair to state that traces of Celtic nomenclature in the neighbourhood through which the Calder runs are scarce, a subject I treat more fully elsewhere. F.

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"Hugh Bigod came to his castle here and refused to render it up to any but the king only: the bottom of it was, he found that William de Blois, natural son to King Stephen (1), was about supplanting him, and getting the castle for himself; so that instead of being able to carry the point for the citizens, he could not long hold out his own: for under pretence of Hugh's holding it in this manner, he [i.e., Stephen] seized the castle and all that belonged to it, and all the liberties of the city from the citizens, and then took them into his own hands; and soon after he granted to his natural son William for an appennage or increase of inheritance, the town and borough of the city of Norwich (2).”

For all this story about William de Blois he gives us only two references, viz., (1) Camden, fo. 387, and (2) Dugdale, Bar., vol. i. p. 75; (Gurdon's) Essay, p. 22 (the latter being little more than a repetition of Camden). But for his statement about the petition for a new charter he gives no authority at all, nor can I find any.

The facts of Stephen's illness and reported death, and of Hugh's taking possession of the castle and refusing to give it up to any one but the king

himself, we know from Henry of Huntingdon ; but of all the rest of the story this author says not word, nor does either of the writers to whom Blomefield refers. The name of William of Blois does not appear in the passage quoted afterwards from Camden; and as for Dugdale, he distinctly states that the town and castle of Norwich were granted to William by the treaty made between Stephen and Henry FitzEmpress, i.e., in 1153, which can hardly be called "soon after" the revolt of Hugh Bigod in 1136. (The grant "appears," as Camden says, "in the public records," i. e., in the copy of the treaty itself, which may be seen in Rymer, i. 18.)* But whatever may have been the exact nature of William's connexion with Norwich in 1153, he certainly can have had nothing to do with Hugh's proceedings there in 1136, for the way in which he is mentioned by all the contemporary historians shows that he was not what Dugdale (following Matthew Paris) calls him, but the second (or third) son of Stephen and his queen Matilda, and consequently must in 1136 have been a mere child.

The story of the grant of the city and castle to William of Blois is followed by a detailed account of the number of citizens, revenues of the city, &c., all apparently copied either direct from Camden or through the medium of Gurdon's Essay. what was Camden's authority?

But

The next quotation from Camden is as follows : "In the seventeenth year of King Stephen (as we read in ancient records) Norwich was built anew, and was populous for a village, and was records" here referred to? Blomefield is not conmade a corporation?" What are the "ancient tent with this bare statement of Camden, but with the king, the citizens were restored to all adds, "In 1152, by his [i. e., Hugh Bigod's] interest their liberties, and had a new charter granted them; but I imagine they had no enlargement of privileges, for they were now governed by a provost, as heretofore"; and that their provost paying the yearly fee-farm to the king, they peaceably enjoyed all their liberties to his death." Again I ask, What is the authority for all this?

One error in Blomefield's account of Norwich under this king remains to be noticed. His story of the restoration of the liberties of the city in 1141 rests solely on the authority of what he, in common with all antiquaries of his day, calls the Pipe Roll of 5 Stephen, but which is now known to belong to 31 Henry I. We must not blame him for this mistake as to the date of the Pipe Roll; but he has totally misunderstood the meaning of the entry to which he refers, and which runs as follows: "Et idem Vicecomes reddit compotum

*The expression in Rymer is castra et villas, which seems a strange way of describing the castle and city.

Why is the plural used instead of the singular?

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