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have seen that the personal and individual development of the people was of small concern to the ruling powers and was seldom the end aimed at. Indeed, with the single exception of China, popular education, as we now use that term, had no national existence, nor did it prevail anywhere until modern times. We need not look far to discover a reason for this, especially when we consider that for centuries as small account was taken of the right of the people to individual liberty as to individual education. Knowledge then, as in later days, was regarded as a power, and it was truly conceived that the ignorant masses could be more easily kept in subjection to the rule of absolutism than a body of intelligent citizens. Absolute governments had no place for educated subjects except in numbers limited to the necessities of enforcing authority. The province of the subject was to toil and to obey. Even in the case of general education in China, to which we have referred, the system of education was so ingeniously guarded in its philosophical conception and application that it subserved rather than violated the principle of subjection; for, as remarked by that great scholar and philosopher, Dr. W. T. Harris, of onr National Bureau of Education, concerning this Chinese system: "It is one of the most interesting devices in the history of education-a method of educating a people on such a plan that the more education the scholar gets the more conservative he becomes."

The thought occurs here, would not such a system as the Chinese be serviceable to-day in the regulation of the now world-wide disturbers of social order, the anarchists, the socialists, and their kindred brood? I answer, that only under Chinese conditions of liberty would such education be practicable, and under no conditions of liberty acceptable to modern civilized manhood could it possibly be enforced. The world, in its ideas of freedom of thought and of action, has moved far away from such tyranny in governments. The divine right of kings or of oligarchies has no footing in Western civilization. It has cost hecatombs of human lives and seas of blood to reach our present estate of human freedom. But the socalist and anarchist can not permanently harm American institutions and organized society. Those who have so apprehended have not carefully considered the basis of their fears. The nihilistic agitations in Europe will doubtless operate to sweep away some of the remains of the feudal fetters imposed on liberty of living, but this "goverment of the people, for the people, and by the people" has nothing to fear from such agitations. The social vagaries and economic delusions which are preached to the unemployed wage worker to ferment society will have local expression in sporadic violence, but the disturbances can not, in our day and generation, mount up to the proportions of revolution. The anarchists submit no propositions which can engage such general local interests as to array State against State or section against section-as in the late civil war; and as long as State autonomy remains to us, the State governments can take care of their internal disturbances, especially when backed by the power of the General Government. Until the great body of the people lose their balance and common sense, they may be safely trusted to adhere to the tradition that any government is better than no government at all. But even the sovereign authority of the people, with which the States and General Government have been invested, will not long have to contend with anarchistic elements which have come to us from abroad under the false pretense of enjoying and upholding our established institutions of freedom, if we so legislate as to stop the crevices in our naturalization laws, through which the wild, untrained, fanatical representatives of European red republicanism find entrance into our body politic. And, again, we may hope to increase the volume of our now mighty current of popular education until every precinct in every county in every State shall have the full benefit of its quickening and enlightening influence, and until every child in all the land, native and foreign, white and black, Indian and Chinaman, shall be possessed of the modern trivium of education, "the three R's," the three keys to knowledge, with which he can gain access to the immense treasury of learning which the centuries have piled up for us, and to which they have fallen heirs. This accomplished, and the plea of the anarchist will find few sympathizers among our people. It is not too much education that makes the vicious, but the lack of it. The anarchist here with us is not too much educated; as may be supposed, he is too badly educated or too wrongly trained and educated by the factors of the environment from which he came to us to be adjusted into any niche of American freedom. We may not be able to educate and assimilate into good citizenship all the Herr Mosts and vicious cranks that Europe can empty upon us, but we can restrain their coming and so educate the children of those already here as to make them cohelpers in good government. We are told in the Greek reader that Aristotle, when asked in what way the edu cated differed from the uneducated, replied, "As the living differ from the dead." Compare the lowest type of the barbarian with the highest type of the Greek in Aristotle's day (and the comparison is just as good in ours) and you can appreciate the force of this remark.

Carlyle, the great Scotchman, said: "An educated man stands as it were in the

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midst of a boundless arsenal and magazine filled with all the weapons and engines which man's skill has been able to devise from the earliest time, and he works accordingly with the strength borrowed from all the ages. How different is his state who stands on the outside of the storehouse and feels that its gates must be stormed or remain forever shut against him? His means are the commonest; the work done is in no measure of his strength. A dwarf behind his steam engine may remove mountains, but no dwarf will hew them down with his pickaxe, and he must be a Titan that hurls them abroad with his arms."

These illustrations from two great thinkers, who spoke more than two thousand years apart, each standing upon the very apex of culture of his day and time, do not contrast too strongly the conditions referred to. In both the wholly uneducated is set over against the fully educated man; the savage against the scientist and the scholar. The distance between them is measureless, and we can not say that the chasm will ever be bridged. Leaving aside the consideration of racial inequalities, about which there is now little dispute, the natural mental inequalities of men must long postpone, if it ever reaches this consummation. The leveling process must encounter obstructions by this inequality which is one of natures unwritten laws. This inequality is the unescapable consequences of action-the necessary predicato of human progress. In this progression the individual speed is unequal; all can not be in the front line. Few can be abreast with Newton or Bacon or Gladstone. That education, however, under conditions seldom favorable, has raised the general average of mankind from century to century, the history of civilization attests, and this progress of civilization is but the progress of education.

A learned English scholar recently wrote concerning the history of education: "It would comprehend the transforming of crude nature of the savage man, which chiefly concerns itself with mere animal wants and desires, into the higher nature of a being who looks behind to gather the fruits of experience; who looks before to utilize them for the benefit of those who are to succeed him, who explores the remote and the distant as well as the near, who reflects and thinks with the view to the general good of the commonwealth, and this, while it is the problem of civilization, is also the problem of education."

But, let me ask, what is the modern conception of education? What is education in its true intent and meaning-not in the widest amplitude with which it may be regarded, but in the sense it is accepted in the schools? Considered in the light of its derivative Latin synonym, Educere, it means to lead forth, to unfold the powers of the mind. And while it means this, it is obvious that it means far more than this. The unfolding of the powers of the mind, I conceive, might be accomplished by an artificial system of mental gymnastics, without acquiring any useful knowledge and without being provided with any of the instruments of self teaching, the arts of reading and writing. Those instruments must in themselves constitute the most important part of education, and, as we are told by a philosophic writer: "The child may learn to read and write, and by it learn the experience of the race through countless ages of existence. He may by scientific books see the world through the senses of myriads of trained specialists devoting whole lives to the inventory of nature. What is immensely more than this, he can think with their brains and assist his feeble powers of observation and reflection by the gigantic aggregate of the mental labors of the race."

And so it is that education does not merely contemplate the unfolding of the mental powers, but demands moreover that such process of unfolding shall bring to the mind of the pupil the largest amount of important and useful knowledge. Just here however, let me say, that I do not rashly venture in this presence to assume the educator's task of suggesting how to educe or unfold the powers of the mind, or what material should be put before the mind in its progress toward development, to enable it to reach the full measure of education. The first should be determined by the teacher, as he looks into the face, and studies the capacity of each pupil. The latter is appointed after wise consideration in the curriculum chosen by every school of high education. As all nature is a schoolhouse for him who seeks education, and all history, with its "philosophy teaching by examples," is his text-book, so all thought is an educational factor. There are many roads to knowledge, but only one to education, and that is through the gateway of self-help, which the earnest seeker of education affords to his own mind. Indeed, it has been wisely said that there is no real education that is not self-education. Whatever of knowledge is assimilated and appropriated, becomes education. It is the exercise of man's self activity at last that sets in motion his powers of observation; the orderly classification of the things observed; the determination of the scientific principles underlying these classes, and the great philosophical unity that unites all the sciences, and links man to The Great First Cause; this, I take it, to be in its last analysis, the true philosophy of education.

The greatest teacher can do little more than lift the latch and point the way.

PENNSYLVANIA.

THE PUBLIC EDUCATION ASSOCIATION OF PHILADELPHIA.

[From a pamphlet by Lewis R. Harley, Ph. D.]

The desirability of improving the school system of Philadelphia has given rise to a number of voluntary associations, which have been actively engaged for several years in urging reforms and promoting the development of the schools in various ways. Among the most active of these organizations has been the Public Education Association of Philadelphia, founded in 1881.

This association, like some of its predecessors, grew out of charity work. Its source was the Committee on the Care and Education of Dependent Children of the Society for Organizing Charity.

It is the object of this association to promote the efficiency and to perfect the system of public education in Philadelphia, by which term is meant all education emanating from, or in any way controlled by, the State. They purpose to acquaint themselves with the best results of experience and thought in education, and to render these familiar to the community and to their official representatives, that these may be embodied in our own publ c-school system. They seek to become a center for work and a medium for the expression of opinion in all matters pertaining to education, as, for instance, the appointment of superintendents; the compilation of school laws; the kindergarten in connection with public education; manual instruction-how much is desirable, and what it is practicable to introduce into the public-school system; the hygiene of schools; the adequate pay and the better qualification of teachers; and, above all, to secure, as far as possible, universal education, by bringing under instruction that large class, numbering not less than 22,000 children, who are now growing up in ignorance in this city.

These objects the association hope to attain through appeals to the local authorities and to the legislature, and by such other means as may be deemed expedient. The officers of the association in 1895 were Edmund J. James, chairman; Miss E. W. Janney, treasurer; William W. Wiltbank, recording secretary.

The Public Education Association has had a busy career of fifteen years. It has been a constructive period in educational work in Philadelphia, and the association has seen the following results accomplished:

I. The institution of the department of superintendence, with the increase of force by which the efficiency of this department has been largely augmented and thoroughly organized.

II. The selection of a superintendent.

III. The introduction of sewing into the curriculum of the Normal School, and its more recent introduction, based upon the success of the earlier experiment, into the lower grades of schools, by which 25,000 girls were, in 1887, receiving regular, systematic instruction in needlework.

IV. The universal acknowledgment that the most complete and satisfactory exhibition of this work ever made in the country was the exhibit of the sewing done in the public schools of Philadelphia made in the spring of 1886, at the Industrial Exhibition at New York.

V. The institution of the Manual Training School.

VI. The reorganization of the schools under supervising principals.
VII. The introduction of cooking classes in the Normal School.

VIII. The exhibition of school work in Horticultural Hall.

IX. The assumption by the board of education of the kindergarten schools. X. The establishment of the chair of pedagogy in the University of Pennsylvania. XI. The lectures in pedagogy in the Summer School of the Extension Society. XII. The separation of the girls' high and normal schools and the material improvement of the courses in the former.

XIII. The passage of the compulsory school law.

The association encouraged and assisted all of these movements; it initiated and completed some of them. There are still other tasks for the association. The new compulsory school law will render a school census necessary. The school accommodations of the city will be inadequate to meet the requirements of the law, and the enforcement of the law itself will depend upon public sentiment. In all these matters the society can be of assistance.

The department of education should be reorganized. The association has already made strenuous efforts to have the sectional boards abolished, and it seemed at times as if the measure would pass the legislature. The agitation should be continued until the department of education is placed beyond the reach of politics. The administration of the city schools should be committed to a single body. These are some of the subjects which should receive the attention of the association. The

work of the Public Education Association is not completed. The educational welfare of so large a municipality as Philadelphia will require the continued aid of this influential organization, which in the past has accomplished so much for the advancement of the schools.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

[Address delivered December 13, 1894, by Hon. J. L. M. Curry, in response to an invitation of the general assembly of South Carolina.']

SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES: It has been said that among the best gifts of Providence to a nation are great and good men, who act as its leaders and guides, who leave their mark upon their age, who give a new direction to affairs, who introduce a course of events which come down from generation to generation, pouring their blessings upon mankind. Public men are the character and conscience of a people. Respect for the worth of men and women is the measure of progress in eivilization. On the 16th of November, 1894, passed away one of America's purest and noblest men, one of the last links which bound the present with the better days of the Republic. For South Carolina he cherished a great affection, and sought to rekindle and keep alive the memories and fraternity of the Revolutionary period, when Massachusetts and South Carolina were struggling together for the establishment of our free institutions. Deeply touched and very grateful was he that South Carolina honored him so highly, by attaching his name in perpetuity to one of her most beneficent institutions of learning. The watchward of his life was the worship of truth and devotion to the Union. He saw clearly that "whoever would work toward national unity must work on educational lines." We may well pause to drop a tear over the grave of author, orator, philanthropist, patriot, statesman, Christian gentleman. Governor Tillman said last May, at the laying of the corner stone of the college at Rock Hill: "On one thing the people of South Carolina are certainly agreed-in their love for Robert C. Winthrop and the new college that bears his name."

I have said that he was a Christian statesman. Christianity and democracy have revolutionized the ideas and institutions of the world in reference to man, his rights, privileges, and duties. The arrival of democracy, says Benjamin Kid, is the fact of our time which overshadows all other facts, and this arrival is the result of the ethical movement in which qualities and attributes find the completest expression ever reached in the history of the human race. Kings and clergy, as having superior access to God and command of the Divine prerogatives, have been relegated to tho background. Man's attainment to an enjoyment of privileges and possibilities depends on the development of latent, original, God-given powers. Families, churches, and States recognize and provide for the unfolding of these capacities. "Education, a debt due from present to future generations," was the idea and motive which permeated Mr. Peabody's munificence, and the sentiment is the legend for the official seal of the Peabody Education Fund. Free schools for the whole people should be the motive and aim of every enlightened legislator. South Carolina incorporates the duty into her organic law. There can be no more legitimate tax on property than furnishing the means of universal education, for this involves self-preservation. The great mass of the people are doomed inevitably to ignorance, unless the State undertake their improvement. Our highest material, moral, and political interests need all the capabilities of all the citizens, and then there will be none too much to meet life's responsibilities and duties. As the people are sovereign, free schools are needed for all of them. We recognize no such class as an elect few. It is desirable that citizens should read the laws they are to obey. A governor onco put his edicts above the heads of the people; we sometimes, practically, do the same by keeping the people in ignorance. When all must make laws as well as obey, it is essential that they should be educated. The more generally diffused the education the better the laws; the better are they understood and the better obeyed. The highest civilization demands intelligent understanding of the laws and prompt, patriotic, cheerful obedience.

Extract from the journal of the house of representatives of the State of South Carolina, Thursday, December 13, 1894:

JOINT ASSEMBLY.

The senate attended in the house at 11 a. m. to hear the address of the Hon. J. L. M. Curry. The president of the senate presented Senator Tillman, who introduced the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, who entertained the general assembly for some time in an eloquent and able address on education. Mr. Manning offered the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the general assembly of South Carolina has heard with pleasure and the deepest interest the eloquent and instructive address of the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, and the heartfelt thanks of this body are hereby extended to him for his address, and we wish to assure him that his words on behalf of the advancement of the educational interests of the State have fallen on ears that are alive to those interests, and that we hope for the best results upon the educational institutions of the State." Which was considered immediately and unanimously adopted.

When schools are established, what will perfect them? The first need is sufficient money, to be attained through State and local revenues. In no instance should this money be appropriated for sectarian purposes. In England, since the free education act, there has been a determined effort to quarter denominational schools upon the rates. In the United States a persistent effort is made to subsidize from general revenues certain sectarian schools in States and among the Indians. During the nino years-1886-1894-our Government gave for education of the Indians $4,277,940, and of this appropriation one church received $2,738,571. The remainder was distributed among fifteen various schools and organizations. Another requirement is efficient local and Stato supervision, divorced from party politics, and controlled by civil service principles. If education be of universal and vital concern, it needs for its administration the highest capacity. The system of common schools reached its preeminent usefulness in Massachusetts under the administration of such remarkable men as Mann, Sears, and Dickinson. Pupils should be graded so as to economize time, utilize teaching talent, and secure systematic progress. At last, all depends on good teaching, and children, with all their possibilities, deserve the best. There is often a criminal waste of time, talent, opportunities, and money, because of incompetent teachers. There is sometimes a distressingly small return for mony and labor expended upon schools. It is not well-organized school systems, nor excellent textbooks, nor systematic courses of study, nor wise supervision, however important, that make the good school. It is the teacher, not mechanical in method and the slave of some superficial notion of the object and the process of the work, but a thorough master of the profession, widely knowledged and cultured, able to interest -the pupils, to develop the highest power and efficiency. A good teacher will make a good school in spite of a thousand hindrances. One able to awaken sluggish intellect, give a mental impulso running through after life, who understands child nature, the laws of mental acquisition and development, whose mind has been expanded and enriched by a liberal education, who has accurate scholarship and a love for sound learning, who can awaken enthusiasm, mould character, develop by healthful aspirations, inspire to do duty faithfully, will have a good school. Andrew D. White called Dr. Wayland the greatest man who ever stood in the college presidency, and snch men as Mark Hopkins, M. B. Anderson, Drs. McGuffey and Broadus show the value of high qualifications in teachers. In our public schools are thousands of men and women, doing heroic work, noiselessly and without ostentation, who deserve all the praise which is lavished upon less useful laborers in other departments. As the State has undertaken the work of education, it is under highest obligations to have the best schools, which means the best teachers.

How shall South Carolina meet theso imperative obligations? Your schools average four and seventh-tenths months, but no school should have a term shorter than eight months, and the teachers, well paid, should be selected impartially, after thorough and honest examination. All should have unquestioned moral character, sobriety, aptitude for the work, desire and ability to improve. It has been suggested that if only one law were written above the door of every American schoolroom, it ought to be, No man or woman shall enter here as teacher whose life is not a good model for the young to copy. The experience of most enlightened countries has shown that these teachers should be trained in normal schools; and by normal schools I do not meau an academy with deceptive name and catalogue, and the slightest infusion of pedagogic work. Teaching is an art, based on rationally determined principles. The child grows and runs up the psychic scale in a certain order. The mind has laws, and there is no true discipline except in conformity to and application of these laws. Acquaintanco with and application of these laws come not by nature, not spontaneously, but by study and practice. The real teacher should be familiar with the history, the philosophy, and the methods of education. He will best acquire and accomplish the technical and professional work if he have a well-balanced mind, fine tastes, and "tho faculty of judgment, strengthened by the mastery of principles, more than by the acquisition of information." We have professional schools for the lawyer, the doctor, the engineer; why not for the teacher? His ability to teach should not be picked up at haphazard, by painful experience, and with the sacrifice of the children. A signboard near my residence reads, "Horses shod according to humane principles of equine nature." It conveys a true principle and suggests that children should be instructed according to the true principles of mental science.

President Eliot, in one of his excellent papers, enunciates six essential constituents of all worthy education.

(a) Training the organs of sense. Through accurate observation we get all kinds of knowledge and experience. The child sees the forms of letters, hears the sound of letters and words, and discriminates between hot and cold, black and white, etc. All ordinary knowledge for practical purposes, and language as well, are derived mainly through the senses.

(b) Practice in comparing and grouping different sensations and drawing inferences.

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