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THIS fine ode is proved by vv. 22, 23 and the thrice-repeated mention of Hêra to be composed for an anniversary of the Hekatombaea at Argos, in which Theiaeos son of Ulias of Argos had won the wrestling match twice. He had also won thrice at Nemea, thrice at the Isthmos, once at Pythô, but not yet at Olympia. Dissen argues from Amphitryôn being called an Argive that the date falls after the destruction of Mykênae by the Argives, Kleônaeans and Tegeaeans B. c. 468; he also fixes the later limit, B.C. 458, by the consideration that Argos joined in an invasion of Boeôtia in that year, after which Pindar would hardly compose an ode for an Argive.

It is probable from vv. 29–36 that an Olympian contest was at hand, that is that the date was either B.C. 464 or 460, as Mykênae was probably not taken till late in the year and the poet would hardly be likely to transfer the myths of Mykênae to Argos immediately after the destruction of the former. For such transference in the Tragedians cf. Aesch. Ag. 24, Porson on Eur. Heracl. 188 (Elmsley and Barnes). The confusion was made easy by the larger meaning of Argos = Argolis (see on v. 42).

As one of the victor's ancestors claimed intimate connexion, as their host, with the Dioskuroi (vv. 49, 50), and as these deities were patrons of athletic games, and as the poet has given the most beautiful episode of their legend, we need not suppose that the myth

has reference to the victor any more than is the case with the allusion at the end of Pyth. XI. Perhaps from the relation of the favour with which Zeus entertained Polydeukês' entreaty, Theiaeos might deduce encouragement as to the result of his own prayer v. 30; but I think Mezger refines a little too much in suggesting that the implication is that the Dioskuroi will intercede without stint for the mortal Theiaeos, even as Polydeukês gave up half his life as a god in intercession for his mortal brother Kastôr. The poet may possibly imply that as a friend of the Dioskuroi he has a second claim on the favour of Zeus, who is introduced in three important passages, vv. 11 ff., 29 ff., 75—end. The myth may incidentally contain a veiled allusion to the struggle between Sparta and the Helôts in Messênia which began B.C. 664 and lasted beyond B.C. 460. Leopold Schmidt considers that the myth inculcates the trustworthiness and good faith of the breed of gods (vv. 54; 78, 79); but the trustiness of the latter passage is that of a mortal comrade, and there is little analogy between Polydeukês' self-sacrifice for his brother and his good faith as a divine patron.

I think that either παῦροι δ ̓ ἐν πόνῳ πιστοὶ βροτῶν refers back rather to the general sense than the particular application of eŵv TσTÒν уévos, and is in fact almost a false echo, or else that the recurrence of Tσто- is a mere coincidence. It should be observed that Polydeukês distinctly avows a selfish grief at the loss of his brother, which is most pathetic and appropriate in a presentment of deep affection, but which would tend to mar an illustration of disinterested good faith. Mezger points out that vv. 37 f. form the middle point of the ode, referring the victories of the family to the Graces, who are invoked v. 1, and the Tyndaridae, who form the subject of the close of the ode.

Polydeukês is vividly presented as the ideal exemplar of brotherly love, and it is hard to believe that the poet wished a beautiful picture to be blurred by any occult references to Theiaeos. Dissen sees that the exaltation of Polydeukês' brotherly love is the point of the myth, but gratuitously proceeds to infer that Theiaeos' unselfish brotherly love is indirectly celebrated. The poet implies, v. 54, that he is just; but beyond that no indication of his character can be traced.

The rhythm is Dôrian with a few Lydian measures.



1-3. Invocation of the Graces to laud Hêra's Argos.

4-18. Mention of legendary worthies of Argos (see note on v. 12).

19, 20. The poet must refrain from reciting the blessings of


21-23. Still he calls on himself to turn his mind to wrestlings under the influence of the festival of the Hêraea (Hekatombaea).


29, 30.


Enumeration of victories of Theiaeos.

Invocation of Zeus to grant Theiaeos' prayer.

What it is, is well known. His Panathenaic victory is an omen that it will be answered.

37, 38. His successes are due to hereditary worth and to the favour of the Graces and the Dioskuroi.


Mention of victories of Theiaeos' maternal ancestors. 49-54. No wonder, since Pamphaês (a remote ancestor) entertained the Dioskuroi, the faithful patrons of games. 55-end. Myth of the death of Kastôr and self-sacrifice of Polydeukês.

Στρ. α'.


Δαναοῦ πόλιν ἀγλαοθρόνων τε πεντήκοντα κορᾶν,


ἀγλαοθρόνων.] So old mss. Triclinian ἀγλαοθώκων. For the meaning of the epithet cf. Ol. 11. 22, Pyth. III. 94, Nem. Iv. 65, from which last line we may gather that at Aegina the Nêreids were represented enthroned. In Eur. Iph. in Aul. 239, golden statues of the Nêreids stand on the sterns of the ships of Achilles. So also no doubt at Thebes and Argos were the local heroines thus sculptured in some public building. The Fates, Seasons, Nêreids and Danaids would

scarcely suggest this attribute without the intervention of plastic representation demanded by solemn cults. With the great deities the case is different. See Addenda.

Xápires.] For the Graces as patronesses of epinikian minstrelsy cf. Ol. XIV. 12-14, Pyth. VI. 2, IX. 89, Nem. Ix. 54. The Seasons and the Graces had been sculptured by Polykleitos on the crown of his colossal statue of Hêra in the Hêraeon at Argos. This fact may have influenced the poet in

Αργος "Ηρας δώμα θεοπρεπὲς ὑμνεῖτε φλέγεται δ'


μυρίαις ἔργων θρασέων ἕνεκεν.

μακρὰ μὲν τὰ Περσέος ἀμφὶ Μεδοίσας Γοργόνος·


5 πολλὰ δ ̓ Αἰγύπτῳ τὰ κατῴκισεν ἄστη ταῖς Ἐπάφου παλάμαις·

οὐδ ̓ Υπερμνήστρα παρεπλάγχθη, μονόψαφον ἐν κολεῷ κατασχοῖσα ξίφος.

his invocation, but it is rash to be positive on the point.

2. δώμα.] ‘Home;' cf. Soph. Oe.R. 28, 29, πόλιν... δῶμα Καδμεῖον. The Argives constitute a family of which Hêra is mistress and foundress.

φλέγεται.] For metaphor, cf. Pyth. v. 42, xI. 45, Isth. vi. 23.

ἀρεταῖς.] Dat. of manner. ‘Distinctions, cf. Ol. XIII. 15, Nem. VII. 51.

4. μακρά.] One Ms., Medic. B., gives κακρά, an interesting error; this vox nihili is corrected in the lemma of the same Ms. to καθαρά.

In Isth. v. 56, ἀναγήσασθαι is expressed with μακρόν.

ἀμφί.] “The tale of Perseus with respect to the Gorgon Medusa.'

There is no need to render τὰ Πέρσες Persei res gestae, and to strain the force of the preposition to certamen circa Med. with Dissen.

The myth of Perseus' birth makes it probable that the name is from the PARS, Skt. prish, 'sprinkle,' while Danae, Danaos are connected with Danube, Don, 'river' or 'water,' not with davós, 'burnt' fr. δαμανος oι δαμνος.

5. MSS. π. δ' Αι. κατῴκισθεν ἄ. T. 'E. π. Mommsen, τὰ κατέκτιθεν, Böckh τὰ κατώκισεν with the subject Argos understood as in vv. 10, 13. The latter alteration is the best, but I do not like to reject the Ms. passive form absolutely, as -ῴκισθεν might scan as 2 + 3+ 4


=2+1+1. The plural ἄστη is distributive, hence the passive verb would be plural.

παλάμαις.] Merely agency.

6. Mommsen with the Vatican old мs. omits the v. Cf. Hor. Od. III. 11, 33, Aesch. P. V. 865, Ovid. Her. XIV, for the story.

οὐδὲ παρεπλάγχθη.] An emphatic meiosis; 'trod the path of honour. For παρεπλ. cf. Ol. VII. 31, αἱ δὲ φρενῶν ταραχαὶ | παρέπλαγ ξαν καὶ σοφόν, Pyth. II. 35, εὐναὶ δὲ παράτροποι ἐς κακότατ ̓ ἀθρόαν | ἔβαλον ποτὶ καιρὸν ἰόντ' (see Addenda to Vol. I.), Nem. 1. 25, èv εὐθείαις ὁδοῖς στείχοντα.

μονόψαφον.] So Mss. After the Schol. Vet. Mommsen -φος. The MSS. reading should be preferred as the less easy. For the transference of the attribute of the person to the instrument cf. the Homeric νηλέϊ χαλκῷ. Here the adjective should be taken adverbially. Cf. Ol. vi. 8, δαιμόνιον πόδα, where again the attribution of the quality of the whole to the part is on a similar principle to the transference to the instrument.

κατασχοῖσα.] The aorist would be appropriate to her sudden resolve not to draw her sword, if we rendered 'because she retained,' but it is simpler to render 'when she retained.'

Αντ. α'.

Διομήδεα δ ̓ ἄμβροτον ξανθά ποτε Γλαυκώπις ἔθηκε


γαῖα δ ̓ ἐν Θήβαις ὑπέδεκτο κεραυνωθεῖσα Διὸς βέ


μάντιν Οἰκλείδαν, πολέμοιο νέφος

το καὶ γυναιξὶ καλλικόμοισιν ἀριστεύει πάλαι


Ζεὺς ἐπ ̓ Αλκμήναν Δανάαν τε μολὼν τοῦτον κατέφανε λόγον


πατρί τ' Αδράστοιο Λυγκεῖ τε φρενῶν καρπὸν εὐθείᾳ συνάρμοξεν δίκα

Ἐπ. α'.

θρέψε δ ̓ αἰχμὰν ̓Αμφιτρύωνος· ὁ δ ̓ ὄλβῳ φέρτατος

7. Διομήδεα.] A Schol. tells us that Diomêdês was endowed with the immortality forfeited by Tydeus when he ate some of Melanippos' head. Diomêdês, the reputed founder of Argyripa or Arpi in Apulia was deified as a hero of Hellênic colonization of Southern and Eastern Italy.

8. ἐν.] ‘Near, cf. Ol. νι. 16, where the fate of Oeklês' son Amphiaraos is being celebrated.


Amphiaraos was running away when engulphed, the addition of πολέμοιο νέφος is a graceful concession to Argive feeling. L. and S. should not say 'γαῖα ὑπέδεκτο αὐτόν, the grave, for the earth rescued him from death.

9. πολέμοιο νέφος.] Cf. Il. XVII. 243, ἐπεὶ π. ν. περὶ πάντα καλύπτει, | Εκτωρ. Vergil's nubes belli, Aen, x. 809, is differently applied, to a shower of missiles.

For more general application of the metaphor cf. Isth. III. 35. Lucretius' Scipiadas belli fulmen (III. 1034) is quoted.

10. ἀριστεύει.] Argos is the implied subject. The wrong punctuation before πάλαι is due to Leporinus.

11. For Alkmênê and Amphitryôn being reckoned as Argives, see Introd.

τούτον.] Mss. τόν, Bergk and Mezger ἐτόν, comparing Schol. on Il. 1. 133. Text from Schol. Vet. 12. πατρί.] Talaos.

φρενῶν καρπόν.] 'Experience,' cf. Pyth. 11. 73, Aesch. Sept. c. Theb. 593, βαθεῖαν ἄλοκα διὰ φρε νὸς καρπούμενος. Frag. 193 [227].

The order in which the worthies of Argos are mentioned is not so confused as appears at first sight. First come two sons of Zeus, the younger first; then an example of feminine courage and rectitude; thirdly, two immortal heroes, the younger first; fourthly, four women; fifthly, two wise and just heroes, the younger first; and lastly, Amphitryôn and Hêraklês, who through Hêbê is connected with Hêra of Argos, whose cella contained a silver altar on which their marriage was represented.

13. θρέψε...] Argos is again the implied subject most probably, though Zeus might be. Note aixμὰν ̓Αμφ. = αἰχμητὰν ̓Αμφιτρύωνα.

ὁ δ', κ.τ.λ.] Partly owing to the corrupt condition of v. 15 this pas

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